Browsing by Author "Wiland, Bartosz"

Now showing 1 - 12 of 12
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    Anti-freezing and peeling
    (GLSA Publications, Univwrsity of Massachusetts Amherst, 2018-10-23) Wiland, Bartosz
    This short paper shows that in certain grammatical environments acceptability of extractions from fronted constituents in Polish is at a similar level as acceptability of the variants involving pied-piping. This suggests that the Freezing Condition, a procedural ban on movement out of a moved constituent, is too coarse. Such a result opens up the possibility for the so-called 'peeling derivations' to be in principle legal.
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    Aspects of order preservation in Polish and English
    (2009) Wiland, Bartosz; Witkoś, Jacek
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    Circumstantial evidence for syntactic head movement
    (Cascadilla Press, 2008) Wiland, Bartosz
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    Functional sequence zones and Slavic L>T>N participles (preprint)
    (New York: Oxford University Press, 2018) Taraldsen Medova, Lucie; Wiland, Bartosz
    We make a case for morphemes as zones of functional sequence (‘fseq zones’) in Nanosyntax. Under such an approach, morphemes which compete for insertion with each other form the same fseq zone, while morphemes which co-occur together form different fseq zones. We illustrate this on the basis of the participle zone that is projected on top of verb stems in Slavic languages. We argue that in Polish and Czech, this participle zone spells out as L, T, or N, depending on its size and internal constituent structure. The constituent structure of this zone provides a direct solution to the long-standing puzzle in Polish and Czech morphology, namely why only unaccusative verbs built adjectival L-passives while all types of verbs build active L-participles.
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    Le charme discret of remnant movement: crossing and nesting in Polish OVS sentences
    (Studies in Polish Linguistics, 2016-11-30) Wiland, Bartosz
    Remnant movement, once believed not to be a part of grammar at all, has since become a tool of analyzing phenomena like verb fronting, word order alternations, or covert movement. What has been largely missing from the discussion of remnant movement are the effects a remnant constituent has on the nodes in the clause it has crossed. This paper argues that remnant movement has particular consequences for clausal syntax since it gives rise to crossing and nesting movement dependencies. This point is illustrated on the example of certain robust asymmetries in the Polish OVS syntax. The analysis of Polish OVS sentences has a broader benefit, namely that the proper identification of crossing and nesting paths provides convergent evidence for the existence of remnant movement in the first place.
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    Ordering paradoxes in a cross-categorial paradigm: on syncretisms with the declarative complementizer
    (Webschrift for Michal Starke's 50th birthday uploaded on LingBuzz, 2018-05-01) Wiland, Bartosz
    This paper shows that incorporating non-definite demonstratives into the same fseq which covers syncretisms with the declarative complementizer, discussed in Baunaz and Lander’s (2018a) work, is necessary to explain syncretic alignment and morphological containment in such paradigms in a systematic way. The paper also resolves an apparent *ABA violation in such a paradigm in Basaá, a language which shows syncretism between the demonstrative and the relativizer to the exclusion of the declarative complementizer.
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    Paths in remnant movement: A single solution to three problems in the Polish OVS syntax
    (GLSA: Amherst, Massachusetts, 2013) Wiland, Bartosz; Kan, S.; Moore-Cantwell, C.; Staubs, R.
    On the one hand it has been advanced that remnant movement (RM) serves as a replacement for head movement and leads to certain permutations in word order while it disallows some others (e.g. Cinque (2005)), on the other hand, little attention has been devoted to the consequences RM has for clausal syntax. In this work, I illustrate one such consequence, namely the rise of crossing and nesting movement dependencies and their reflexes. In particular, I make a case for the existence of massive RM that involves entire clausal subtrees in Polish. The analysis provides a uniform solution to three robust puzzles in the Polish OVS construction in a straightforward way.
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    Polish deadjectival nouns as nominalized adverbs
    (2021) Wiland, Bartosz
    The traditional description of Polish abstract nouns such as lekkość ‘lightness’ or jasność ‘brightness’ holds that they are formed with an adjectival root and the nominalizing suffix -ość. The paper considers an alternative analysis where -o-ść is a complex marker and such nominals go through an adverbial stage in their formation, rendering them [[[ A ] Adv ] N ] structures, a possibility suggested by the fact that the -o itself is an ad- verbial marker.
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    Prefix stacking, syncretism and the syntactic hierarchy
    (Peter Lang, 2012) Wiland, Bartosz
    The paper argues for the overspecification approach to syncretism in the domain of Polish super-lexical prefixes and shows how the subset-superset relation that regulates the lexical insertion into non-terminal nodes in syntax allows us to explain why only certain instances of multiple prefixation are attested.
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    The shift to strict VO in English at the PF-interface
    (John Benjamins, 2012) Pysz, Agnieszka; Wiland, Bartosz
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    The symmetric syntax of Japanese complex verbs and Slavic prefixes
    (Tokyo: Hituzi, 2014) Endo, Yoshio; Wiland, Bartosz; Cardinaletti, Anna; Cinque, Guglielmo; Endo, Yoshio
    We report on a robust symmetry between the Polish and the Japanese sequence of syntactic projections in what superficially looks like different domains, namely verbal prefixes (Polish) and multiple verbs (Japanese). This paralellism strongly supports the thesis about the finegrained sequence of positions in syntax, namely that there exists the functional sequence of syntactic heads (fseq) which is invariantly ordered by UG (see e.g. Cinque (1999)) and the surface differences among particular langauges in the order of elements that instantiate this fseq result solely from movement (not from the variation in fseq itself).