Przegląd Politologiczny
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Kwartalnik Przegląd Politologiczny (PP) ukazuje się systematycznie od 1996 roku. Obecnie wydawany jest przez Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu.
„Przegląd Politologiczny” stanowi forum prezentacji wyników badań, wymiany myśli oraz dyskusji obejmującej teorię i praktykę składającą się na współczesne nauki polityczne. Publikowane są w nim artykuły i recenzje autorów z całej Polski i zagranicy.
Czasopismo dociera do wszystkich ośrodków akademickich. Jest prenumerowane także przez instytucje i osoby zajmujące się praktyką polityczną. Posiada również stałych odbiorców w innych krajach. Wszystkie publikacje i materiały umieszczane w „Przeglądzie Politologicznym” są recenzowane. Ich streszczenia oraz słowa kluczowe tłumaczone są na język angielski. Działa również Rada Programowa czasopisma
The Przegląd Politologiczny quarterly (PP) has been regularly published since 1996. At present it is published by the Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza [Academic Publishing House of the Faculty of Political Science and Journalism at Adam Mickiewicz University].
Przegląd Politologiczny provides a forum for the presentation of research results, exchange of thoughts and discussions on the theory and practice that make up the present political science. Papers and reviews published come from the authors from the whole Poland and abroad.
The periodical reaches all academic centers. Also the institutions and individuals dealing with political practice have subscribed to it. It has regular subscribers abroad. All the publications and materials in the Przegląd Politologiczny are reviewed. Their abstracts and key words are translated into English. There also operates the Editorial Board of the periodical.
Redaktor naczelny: prof. dr hab. Tadeusz Wallas
Kontakt: Redakcja „Przeglądu Politologicznego”
Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM
ul. Uniwersytetu Poznańskiego 5, 61-614 Poznań
e-mail: przegląd.politologiczny@amu.edu.pl
strona www: http://przeglad.amu.edu.pl/
Nazwa wydawcy: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM
ISSN 1426-8876
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Item O pojęciu i istocie bezpieczeństwa(2010) Rosicki, RemigiuszThe subject of the paper is the notion and essence of security. The paper is divided into three parts; the first one discusses the essence of security, the second – the increasing significance of security in non-military dimensions, while the third part presents different ways of defining the notion of security. The first part analyzes security in its philosophical, existential and biological contexts. These considerations are concluded with a general definition of security as the opportunity to fulfill one’s existential needs as well as to ensure one’s existence, survival and development. Security is also a state of certainty of the above opportunities. The second part of the paper concerns the issue of the expansion of the notion of security. This is related to redefining power in international relations and with the progressing specialization of the fields of study that deal with the issue of security. Additionally, attention should be paid to the expanding repertoire of threats, which forms an element of numerous definitions of security. The expansion of this repertoire itself may be a consequence of increased awareness in various realms of social activity (e.g. environmental protection). The last part concentrates on the ways of defining security and concerns four approaches to security as the (1) subject, (2) object, (3) a spatial entity, and (4) a process. It can be said that the concept of security is open; it is impossible to present a single, clear set of definitions. This follows from the open repertoire of threats and different approaches of different fields. Therefore, static approaches to the essence of security should be criticized. It should also be stated that the range of the concept will continue to expand.Item Determinanty bezpieczeństwa narodowego. Nowe zagrożenia – nowe wyzwania(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Bąk, MaciejThis paper analyzes the definitions and characterizes the elements related to national security. The author pays particular attention to the change of determinants and threats which significantly influence the way in which a given state’s security is perceived, and how it evolves. In the author’s opinion, at present one can observe the tendency to expand the subject matter and spatial range of national security in international relations, which follows from the internationalization of various realms of social life. It is impossible to improve the national security of a given state while tolerating the disturbances of peace that result from the widening gaps between different parts of the world, or unsolved regional and local conflicts. The main purpose of this paper is to draw the reader’s attention to the changes resulting from the need to adjust the national security system to the new challenges; the changes that not only aim to defy these challenges, but also to prevent the factors that generate them.Item Liberalizm czy interwencjonizm? Recepta na kryzys(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Kacperska, MagdalenaThe uneven nature of market economy development is particularly visible in the historical perspective. The paper underlines the most important theoretical aspects related to business cycles, the reasons for the emergence of crises, and the practical symptoms of the cyclical development of economies. It also briefly analyzes more significant business fluctuations (crises), their reasons, nature and consequences, as well as the changing responses of the state to such crises. Market imbalance is a result of the continuous game of supply and demand, prices and numerous other factors that determine the growth of national product. The analysis of cyclical fluctuations in business over the period of the last century shows that they are unavoidable, that a period of growth is always followed by that of a fall, and that the pace and size of the former frequently determine the depth of the latter. The paper attempts to evidence that each wave results either from appropriate activity or a limitation of activity of the governments concerned. Liberalism or interventionism? What is the right prescription for a crisis? This question can be answered when we review previous crises and the ways of solving them under concrete economic, historical and social conditions. It appears that at a time when states perform an extensive range of functions for their citizens, it is unavoidable to apply some form of interventionism in a majority of situations. Whereas liberal doctrine and practice decidedly prevail on an everyday basis, in exceptional moments, such as economic crises, natural disasters, terrorist attacks, or other events that threaten the feeling of security, society allows for, or actually demands that the governments take appropriate measures. It expects that the state will offer assistance, and if it is not the state, then maybe some other organization. An economy is a living organism and – as in the case of humans – it has to care for itself to prevent illness, as prevention is always better and easier than cure. Another question arises, though – who is supposed to care for an economy and how?Item Suwerenność państw w procesie integracji europejskiej(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Malendowski, WłodzimierzThe paper concerns an attempt to determine the status of European Union member states. It takes as its starting point the statement that the EU’s organizational structure provides for more than a confederation of states but less than a federation. At the present stage of the EU’s development a unique organization has been established that has not predecessor in the standards of international organizations. This is accompanied with a new approach to the interpretation of the nature of sovereignty of integrating European states, which is connected with intensifying processes of decomposition and the loosening of sovereign control by states over their territories and populations. States achieve their sovereign interests within the framework of international structures. They can also voluntarily restrict their sovereign rights on the basis of the commonly accepted rules and principles of international organizations. In this way they assign a comparative degree of state authorities’ competencies to these organizations. As a consequence, numerous issues that were formerly regulated by states are increasingly more often solved by means of corporate operations. This naturally leads to the states’ opening to the international environment without any threat to their sovereignty. The process of integration in Europe has not resulted in sovereignty of the European Union itself. Sovereignty remains an attribute of states. European states maintain their ability toItem Autorytaryzm XXI wieku czy nam grozi?(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Górna-Kubacka, AnnaDemocratic systems are neither perfect nor satisfactory, therefore theoreticians offer different models of democracy. Consequently, democracy is understood in different ways, which are presented in this paper. The most interesting ones are proposed by R. Dahl, A. Lijphart and J. Schumpeter. The latter calls into question the notion of the ‘common good’ and an individual’s rationality in political life. The paper discusses different models of democracy: representative, consensual and polyarchic. A democratic system is based on principles and abounds in great advantages, the most desirable of which include peace (democratic states have not waged wars) and the fact that the market economy is more efficient. In order to maintain polyarchic institutions a state needs to meet certain conditions which cannot be maintained everywhere. If these conditions are not fulfilled, the system can be deemed to be nondemocratic. If only some conditions are present, the system will be highly unstable. This instability leads the research on authoritarianism to develop dynamically. Authoritarian systems are political systems of limited political plurality that are free from the accountability of society, yet authoritarianism is also a certain type of mentality and personality. The research Adorno and his colleagues conducted in the mid-twentieth century introduced the notion of an authoritarian personality; The Polish research also demonstrates an interesting correlation between authoritarian features, which are presented in the paper.Item Europa po Traktacie z Lizbony – słowa i rzeczywistość(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Konopacki, StanisławThe Treaty of Lisbon, which became effective on December 1 2009, provides for the transformation of the European Union into a more democratic, efficient and united community. This paper attempts to assess to what extent its provisions are reflected in the current reality of a united Europe. On the one hand, democratic legitimization of the EU is growing as a result of increasing competencies of the European Parliament, the rights of national parliaments, and so-called citizens’ initiatives. However, the turnout in the last European elections, the increasing popularity of extremist right-wing parties, the work of the European Convention and restrictions imposed on the free movement of persons show that EU practice is far from the complete implementation of democratic values. Secondly, the Lisbon Treaty provides for higher EU efficiency in the international arena. This cannot be achieved, though, by electing people devoid of charisma, experience and a vision of a united Europe to the highest positions, such as EU president or chief of diplomacy. Last but not least, the new treaty provides for energy solidarity. Yet the work of the European Parliament, which is expected to translate these words into practice, is burdened by an increasing number of doubts and difficulties.Item Polska polityka gospodarcza w działalności Rady Ministrów w latach 2005–2006(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Kamola-Cieślik, MałgorzataAfter the Law and Justice Party (PiS) had won parliamentary elections, Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz was appointed Prime Minister in September 2005. Economic policy was one of the elements of his Government’s policy. The Government tried to achieve its goals by creating new jobs and increasing the level of investment in Poland. This was to be supported by the liberalization of laws regulating business activity. With respect to economic policy, the Council of Ministers intended to reform public finance and implement a council housing project. The Cabinet of Prime Minister Marcinkiewicz was not able to implement all the principles of the Solidarity State platform within the 9 months of its work. However, the Government did manage to persuade the EU to allocate EUR 90 bn from the EU 2007–2013 budget to Poland. The Government also succeeded in aligning Poland’s 2006 budget with a new legal act limiting the state deficit to a maximum level of PLN 30 bn. Additionally, the Government drew up economic plans aimed at improving the condition of the Polish economy. However, it failed to implement the reforms of public finance, council housing, free economic activity and the diversification of natural gas supplies.Item Reprezentacja polskich grup biznesowych w systemie instytucjonalnym Unii Europejskiej a rzetelne rzecznictwo interesów(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Czub, Jarosław FilipThe main aim of this paper is to demonstrate what role Polish business groups play at a supranational level. In Poland reliable advocacy of individual interests by Polish business groups brings negative associations, and the lobbying Polish business groups apply is perceived as an unfair way of exerting pressure on the authorities. Therefore, this paper outlines the conceptualization of the network of notions pertaining to Polish business groups. Lobbying is presented as an instrument applied by professional teams of lobbyists in lobbying campaigns aimed at exerting influence in a transparent, substantive and fair manner. The specificity of interest groups and the stages that affect the emergence of individual Polish business groups are also analyzed. The aspect of legal regulations concerning lobbying activity conducted at a national and supranational level is presented. The picture of the organizational structure, the functions business groups have in the Polish and EU law-making process are discussed as well. The paper also shows the forms of influence used by Polish business groups and exemplifies advantageous activities that contribute to the economic development of Poland.Item Głosowanie elektroniczne – nowe wyzwanie dla demokracji?(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Musiał-Karg, MagdalenaThe notion of democracy poses a significant challenge and problem in modern considerations on history, philosophy and politics. At present, in the face of the so-called information revolution, democracy has undoubtedly undergone profound and easily visible transformations. It can be said that the application of IT to exercise democratic power has brought about a revolution that will span a period of many years, given the different potential differing states have to spread the new technologies. The development of information and communications technology (ICT) has introduced new notions related to democracy, such as teledemocracy, technopolitics or electronic democracy (e-democracy). The subject of this paper, electronic voting (e-voting) is among the highly significant instruments of e-democracy. Electronic voting is the fulfillment of the principle of national sovereignty as it can be applied in the procedures of both indirect (e-elections) and direct (e-referendum) democracy.Item Finansowanie ochrony zdrowia z funduszy strukturalnych Unii Europejskiej(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Bromber, PiotrAccepting the argument that the financial means dedicated to health protection are limited, the author of the paper emphasizes the need to use external sources of financing, in this case European Union structural funds. This paper attempts to answer the question of to what extent the sources from the European Regional Development Fund, and the European Social Fund, have influenced, or can influence the improved efficiency of the health protection system in Poland. The paper begins with the fundamental notions of health protection, the levels and forms of the delivery of health services, the subject range of the system (including the catalogue of beneficiaries), and the sources of finance. The most important (in the author’s opinion) current problems related to the organization and financing of health protection are also mentioned. Next, a general description of selected operating programs is presented with the examples of health protection projects financed from the structural funds that have already been implemented. The opportunities to fund these types of projects under the present financial perspective are also indicated. The subject matter of a detailed analysis presented in the paper concerns the Lubuskie province.Item Demokracja w granicach ryzyka(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Kłusak, MironAs a permanently imperfect system, democracy requires continuous improvement of its deficient structures and responses to its imbalanced developmental dynamics. Freedom ensures its permanent dynamics as people, who constantly make various choices, arrive at different results, which permanently differentiates their interests. Freedom is a compromise, and the whole strategy of development is also a strategy of compromise. The definition of justice developed by Kant provides for a model of society whose freedom brings about justice. A permanently dynamic system that is bound to develop has to bear a constant risk, as everybody needs to keep analyzing their situation in order to make adequate and optimum decisions. This constantly produces new situations that require new ideas. The shortage of new ideas poses a permanent obstacle on the path to development and requires constant improvement in order to take advantage of one’s reason and experience; this necessitates incessant learning and risk taking. Opportunity always exists, yet success only comes to the one able to take risks and face liability. We need to beware of illusion and populism that lead us directly to collectivism, which poses a permanent and most serious threat.Item Jak zmierzyć demokrację? Teoretyczne i metodologiczne podstawy budowy skal demokracji politycznej w politologii porównawczej(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Szewczak, WiktorThe author of the paper undertakes to present and analyze one of the research instruments applied by comparative political science in quantitative surveys, namely scales of democracy (sometimes referred to as indices or factors of democracy). This instrument is quite common in Western, in particular Anglo-Saxon political science, whereas it remains relatively unknown in Polish political science. The aim of the paper is therefore to introduce the reader to this theoretical and methodological construct. In order to achieve this aim the author indicates the possible uses of scales of democracy and the areas of research that apply them. He also analyzes methodological problems related to the development and application of scales of democracy. Although they offer a useful tool in comparative analyses, the essence of this instrument may raise certain methodological and epistemological doubts. Therefore it is significant to maintain the utmost diligence when developing these scales, which must be based on the application of advanced statistical instruments and research algorithms. On the basis of the conclusions of G. L. Munck and J. Verkuilen, the author presents a model process for developing scales of democracy and demonstrates the challenges faced by the researcher trying to develop such scales. The last part of the paper discusses the place of the issue of democracy measurement in Polish political science. The author claims that Polish researchers’ interest in this issue does not correspond to its significance and the potential advantages that could be obtained.Item Idealny wzór partii politycznej a dzisiejsza rzeczywistość w Polsce(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Sielski, JerzyThe paper attempts to formulate an answer to the question of what an ideal party should look like at present, and what contemporary reality in Poland is like. In his attempt to create an ideal model for a political party, the author adopts the concept of the ‘good state’, as developed in the paper Wyznaczniki dobrego pañstwa, as a point of reference. He goes on to compare the way in which contemporary parties fulfill their functions to the objectives of a good state (egoistic objectives: to retain power and maintain social and political security; altruistic objectives: social order and reforms). He adopts six fundamental functions of a national party: intermediary, electoral, ruling, shaping public opinion, educational and organizational function. The author concludes by saying that there is no ideal political party in Poland that performs its functions in relation to the ‘good state’ well. Instead of convincing society about themselves, contemporary (2007) Polish parties have created conflicts and created sharp social divisions that continue to exist.Item Rywalizacja państw w kosmosie(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Stankiewicz, WojciechThe paper emphasizes that outer space has become an object of interest for different states relatively recently. Therefore, there is no detailed international law to regulate the activity of states in outer space. Current regulations were mainly drawn up at the turn of the 1960s, and they do not fully correspond to the reality of today. The drawing up of modern space law will be a dynamic process owing to the rapid evolution of space technology and an increasing exploration potential. As the activity of states in outer space is rapidly changing, laws to be drawn up may frequently be prepared ad hoc, in response to the newly emerging problems. It may be exceptionally difficult to enact a new convention to regulate general issues of outer space, in the way it has been done with respect to the law of the sea, as some countries (in particular the United States) may oppose the limitation of their plans to explore and utilize outer space. In order to maintain peace and balance, it may be necessary to establish a new international organization for the purpose of dealing with outer space. This organization would provide a forum to solve disputes, such as those concerning the development of satellite systems, the principles of teledetection, or armaments in space. A considerable portion of inter-state disputes concerning outer space will have to be solved by bilateral agreements, reached through a compromise, as there are no specialized organs authorized to act in the realm of outer space. A dynamically conducted exploration of outer space depends on the amount of expenditure allocated to the space programs of individual states. The amount of financing available is influenced by the economy (at the time of the slowdown that began in 2008 space agencies have had to envisage limited budgets). The prestige of space exploration is an aspect of particular importance. In order to increase its importance in the international arena, states are ready to allocate considerable means for spectacular space activities. It can be observed at present that states are increasingly competing with each other for prestige rather than for strategic purposes. This can easily be observed with respect to the developing countries, such as China and India. The pace of activities in space will be influenced by the ability of the states to cooperate. The specific nature of great space investments usually requires huge expenditure, therefore it would be advantageous to combine the financial contributions of various states. Joint projects would promote peaceful utilization of outer space.Item Genealogia międzynarodowości. Społeczna teoria stosunków międzynarodowych(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Gałganek, AndrzejIn several papers recently published by the author, the main reference was the theoretical considerations of Justin Rosenberg, in an attempt to show the reasons for the dichotomization of ‘internationality’ and ‘internality,’ and the ways of overcoming this dichotomization. This paper attempts to resolve and conclude these previously discussed issues. On the ground of Rosenberg’s theoretical assumptions, the paper answers the questions of where ‘internationality’ originated, and what is a decisive factor for its existence as the dimension of the social world. The author makes reference to the notion of uneven and combined development as interpreted by J. Rosenberg so as to reconstruct the methods applied in answering the above questions in three stages. Firstly, he discusses the model, allowing a comparison of different methods of combining uneven development with international relations. It emerges that, thus far, all these methods have tended to assume political multiplicity (internationality) rather than explain its existence. Secondly, the author reconstructs the explanations referring to the historical-and-sociological argument presented in the work of Barry Buzan and Richard Little. They place the sources of internationality in the prehistoric transition from a hunter- gatherer existence to an agricultural one, which was connected with processes of social diversification and the formation of proto-states. At first glance, Buzan and Little’s explanation seems to make the notion of uneven and combined development redundant. On more detailed analysis, however, ‘unevenness’ and ‘combination’ turn out to play a key role in Buzan and Little’s empirical argument, albeit not theorized upon. Thirdly, the author of this paper demonstrates how ‘unevenness’ and ‘combination’ are necessary elements in processes of social transformation. Thus, he demonstrates that the sources of ‘internationality’ do come from the uneven and combined nature of historical development.Item Kazachstan jako obecny przewodniczący OBWE – rok 2010: nowa rola średnich państw w podejmowaniu globalnych decyzji strategicznych na podstawie konsensusu(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Sydyknazarov, MukhitThe paper concerns the issue of Kazakhstan presiding over the OSCE this year, and the issue of the role played by medium-sized states in the contemporary architecture of international relations. As the interests of global players continue to clash incessantly, medium-sized states are forced to make increased efforts to build a safer and more stable world. The author uses the example of Kazakhstan to analyze the role of medium-sized states, which can be compared to that played by small and medium-sized enterprises in building an efficient and stable economy. The small and medium-sized states are increasingly appreciated on an international scale in various areas. Kazakhstan is consistently working to achieve its goals, not only at present within the OSCE, but as a future head of other organizations, many of which have been established on Kazakhstan’s initiative; the country has always been distinguished by its international activity. Many of these initiatives have been successfully implemented by the OSCE itself. The above-mentioned organizations include the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia (CICA), Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEC), Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), International Organization of Turkic Culture, and the Permanent Council of Ministers of Culture of the International Organization of Turkic Speaking States (TURKSOY). It is important to include the new independent states in the common ideology of the development of market economies and democratic institutions. As a regional leader in Central Asia, Kazakhstan is better prepared to implement this mission than other states. Not all Kazakhstan’s initiatives fall within a purely European framework. As the country is located at the cusp of Europe and Asia, its government pays constant attention to Euro-Asian issues, all the more so as, after its presidency of the OSCE, Kazakhstan will chair the Organization of the Islamic Conference in 2011.Item Skutki akcesji Polski do Unii Europejskiej w ocenie głównych Kościołów chrześcijańskich w RP(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Kusztal, AleksandraPolish membership of the European Union became a fact in 2004. The fears and hopes of the main Christian churches in Poland as regards its consequences have already been at least partly verified. This verification has been partly positive, as the main Christian churches in Poland have obtained access to direct subsidies for arable land owners. However, there have also been disappointments, such as the disappointed hopes of the churches of minor denominations to obtain more balanced and actual equality of rights for different churches and religious denominations in Poland by virtue of Community law. Another disappointment concerned the expectation that due to their participation in integration processes Poles would abandon a certain religious and spiritual provincionalism, or their complete disregard of the opinions of representatives of churches and religious denominations in the process of the EU’s internal reforms. It can be observed that the intellectual and moral potential of such important institutions of social life as Christian churches in Poland has not been taken full advantage of in the European debate and discussion on integration. Unfortunately, it is also rather difficult to find any signs that this may happen in the future.Item Demokracja dyskursywna w myśleniu politycznym(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Zyborowicz, StanisławThe paper concerns one of the concepts of democracy. Each democracy assumes that the people who live together in society need certain procedures/institutions to make binding decisions that take into consideration everybody’s interests. The notion of a deliberative democracy is used to describe a system of political decisions based on the decision-making process perceived as a combination of consensus and representative democracy. Discursive democracy is a theoretical model of a political system propagated by Jurgen Habermas and Jon Elster, and also by Joshua Cohen, Amy Gutmann and Dennis Thompson. The concept was used for the first time by Joseph M. Bessette in his work Deliberative Democracy: The Majority Principle in Republican Government in 1980, and later on in The Mild Voice of Reason in 1994. Public debate is a key aspect of the discursive concept which emphasizes the manner in which all arguments are presented in open discussion. Discursive democracy assumes a larger participation of citizens in the legislative process by means of institutionalized debates organized to complement the process of informal opinion shaping. Deliberative democracy will win an increasing number of proponents. This certainly is not only a matter of will but also of realistic opportunities to participate in the process of building a deliberative democracy.Item 20 lat trzeciego sektora w Polsce – doświadczenia i perspektywy(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Cieślik, ŁukaszYear 1989 marked a breakthrough in the presence and development of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Poland. The freedom of association was restored, and the society immediately took advantage of this freedom. Since the early 1990s, decentralization has been coupled with a revived activity of the civic sector, and a clear increase in the number of ‘grass-root’ initiatives, stimulated by the society itself. The number of NGOs has kept growing, including the associations, foundations, and church organizations. The scope of their activity, the number of employees and the tasks they undertake have been expanding. In order to understand the essence of social economy, and primarily to notice the opportunity to develop the state on the basis of the principles of social economy, it was necessary to change the definition of the essence of the state and society, their role, and to correlate their mutual objectives and needs. The administrative reform executed in Poland in 1999, resulted in moving the burden of public tasks from the central government to the units of territorial self-government. The administrative reform introduced three layers of territorial division in order to promote self-governance, facilitate the operation of local authorities, and bring them closer to citizens. Over the last twenty years, NGOs have become a valuable partner in territorial self-government by performing various kinds of public tasks and thus becoming an exceptionally significant element of social policy. The principles regulating the co-existence of the third sector and the state are laid down in the act of law of April 24, 2003 on public benefit and volunteer work, which provides a comprehensive regulation of the activity of NGOs in the realm of public life, the principles (subsidiarity, sovereignty of parties, partnership, efficiency, fair competition, and transparency), and the form of cooperation between such organizations and the organs of public administration with respect to the performance of public tasks. It should be emphasized, however, that while NGOs have taken over services rendered in some areas, their potential has not been fully utilized. The functioning of social organizations manifests civic freedom and society’s self-organization. The activities of the third sector organizations allow the fulfillment of important social needs, such as the need for spontaneous association, social initiative and organizational autonomy. The functioning of social organizations has an advantageous influence on the activity of public and private organizations. The NGOs in Poland and abroad play an increasingly significant role, both in the development of civic society of democratic states, and also in the process of performing public tasks and the development of economies. At present, forms of cooperation between NGOs and the territorial self-government are being sought. This may indicate that both local authorities and the third sector organizations have reached a point where they are ready to form a real partnership. This is an optimistic statement, especially given the opportunity to develop the sector of social economy using the financial means of the EU structural funds. Along with the ageing of affluent societies, social exclusion, poverty and unemployment are the fundamental social problems for Poland and the whole of modern Europe. The subjects of the third sector of an economy can play a key role in solving these problems.Item Kierunki racjonalizacji struktury rolnictwa polskiego w świetle rozwiązań stosowanych w Europie Zachodniej(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Babiak, JerzyAgriculture is a peculiar sector of the economy that requires support from the state. Its spontaneous transformation is not effective enough, therefore a number of mechanisms are applied to stimulate advantageous structural transformation both at EU and national levels. The agricultural system of West European states is based on the family farm. Although Community law does not define a family farm, different systems provide various measures applied in order to protect family farms, e.g. by means of controlling agricultural land trade. The paper presents the legal and institutional solutions applied in this respect in France, Germany and Denmark. These states have not been randomly selected, as they are the main competitors for Polish agriculture in the Community market, and they have succeeded in establishing an agrarian structure. Against the background of their experience, Polish legal solutions are presented and assessed. The responsibilities of the Agricultural Property Agency are presented in detail; its principal task apart from the management of State Treasury property is to shape agrarian structure.