Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne, 2020, nr 4
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Item Demanding the Impossible: the Precariat, Social Outrage and Anti-austerity Movements(Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2020) Kania, ElizaThe article analyses major legacies of anti-austerity movements since 2011: Indignados/as and Occupy Wall Street (known also as the movements of the precariat). Based on the author’s research developed in her book: The precariat and the process of precarisation of labour - new directions of global socio-economic changes (original title: Prekariat i proces prekaryzacji pracy – nowe kierunki zmian społeczno ekonomicznych w świecie), the article summarises the most significant outcomes of these movements’ activities and demands, in four primary dimensions: identity, social awareness, organisation and politics. The author also answers the question of whether, in the course of anti-austerity movements’ activities, a new social group – the precariat – gained political subjectivity.Item Foreign Direct Investments in the Regions of Ukraine in the Conditions of Globalization(Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2020) Prysiazhniuk, Yuriy; Poliakova, Juliia; Yaremko, LarysaThe importance of foreign direct investment (FDI) for the economy of the host country is demonstrated, and the advantages and risks of attracting foreign capital for the economy of Ukraine are emphasized. An analysis of the dynamics of foreign direct investment in Ukraine is carried out, with a focus on sectoral and geographical structure. Differences between the productivity of enterprises with foreign investment and that of domestic enterprises are noted. The assessment of investment potential was carried out using a multifactor comparative analysis, and a calculation of investment attractiveness is made on the basis of the standardization of indicators for the regions of Ukraine. The correspondence between the investment potential and investment attractiveness of the regions is indicated, as well as the low level of investment attractiveness of certain regions in Ukraine. Priority measures for the intensification of foreign investment activity in Ukraine in the conditions of globalization are discussed.Item Foreign Threats to Ukraine’s Independence and the Challenge Posed to Polish National Security(Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2020) Krasivskyy, OrestThe purpose of the article is to examine the Russian threat to Ukraine’s state sovereignty and its impact on Poland’s national security; to underline that Russia intends to take revenge for its defeat in the Cold War, to regain control over the former Soviet Union republics, to defeat the USA and EU, and to establish control in the territory of the Eurasian continent. The research hypothesis is that the main purpose of Russia’s foreign policy is the reconstruction of a neo-imperial state, Ukraine’s reintegration into the post-Soviet space, and ensuring Russia’s domination in the region. The research task was completed using the research methods of a detailed study of sources and literature and a critical analysis of the information available to the author. Conclusions: Russia is trying to take revenge for its defeat in the Cold War, to regain control over the former Soviet Union republics, to defeat the West, and to establish control over the Eurasian continent. Russia considers Ukraine and Poland as dangerous agents of Atlanticism. That is why the Russian Eurasian geopolitical project aims for the Ukrainian and Polish states to be neutralized in a radical way. To this end, Russia has started a “hybrid war” against Ukraine. Poland and the Baltic countries will be the next targets of Russian aggression. It is profitable for Russian neo-imperialism to destroy trust and the strategic partnership between Poland and Ukraine, and to act in accordance with the divide-and-conquer algorithm. In such circumstances, Ukraine and Poland need to work out a new “Doctrine of restraining Russia’s aggression,” to pursue gradual and coordinated policy for the sake of the victory over Russian neo-imperialism and the dismantlement of the Russian imperial social system. The article describes the peculiarities of the modernization of the Russian imperial system at the present stage, analyzes the content of the Russian neo-imperialistic policy against Ukraine, Poland and the West, the reasons for the failure of Ukraine to neutralize Russian expansion, and also shows possible geopolitical consequences for the national security of Poland in the event of the successful implementation of Russia’s geopolitical strategy.Item Levon Ter-Petrossian, Armenia Future, Relations with Turkey, and the Karabagh Conflict, edited by Arman Grigoryan, Palgrave Macmillan, Cham 2018, ss. 174.(Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2020) Czachor, RafałItem The Basis of Social Protests in Georgia in 2019(Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2020) Mijalska, Faustyna; Kardaś, JarosławComing to power in 2012, the Georgian Dream promised changes expected by Georgian society that was torn between striving for peace and prosperity, following the example of Western countries, and stabilizing relations with Russia. After seven years, this promise was not fulfilled, and the citizens were bitter about the internal and international policies of Bidzina Ivanishvili. For the purpose of this article, the research hypothesis was formulated that in June 2019 social protests broke out in the capital of Georgia, because the activities of the party headed by Bidzina Ivanishvili resulted in decreased social confidence in this formation. The authors of the article analyzed the activities of Bidzina Ivanishvili which might have sparked social unrest and identified the internal and external factors that resulted in the shrinking social confidence in Georgian authorities in recent years. The authors presented also the events of June 20, 2019, when thousands of people gathered in front of the Georgian parliament building to express their discontent with the presence of the deputy of Russian Duma, Sergei Gavrilov, at the parliamentary session, which resulted in nationwide protests.Item The Postulate of Grounded Theory in the Perception of the Museum of the Second World War in Gdańsk in Terms of Political Science(Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2020) Lorenc, MagdalenaThis article aims to demonstrate the applicability of grounded theory in the analysis of the Museum of the Second World War in Gdańsk in terms of political science. The fundamental question is how to examine the sources which exhibit the ideological character of the space of public museums? In order to answer this question, the concepts by Kathy Charmaz and Adela Clarke are referred to, which have been noticed to offer unused potential for qualitative research conducted in the field of political science. This meant departing from the “classical” versions of grounded theory, created by Barney G. Glaser and Anselm L. Strauss, in favor of what is called “a postmodern turn,” and approaches which synthesize constructivism and social constructionism. Data obtained from primary and secondary sources concerning the main axis of the core exhibition were analyzed. The starting point was my own field research, the results of which were compared with the data from an interview with the museum’s architects and the transcription of a photograph. Inspired by procedures compliant with the non-classical versions of grounded theory, it was demonstrated that the main axis of the core exhibition was designed as a liberal manifesto of freedom. This determined the subject of analysis to be a part of the research field of political science. The spatial solutions applied testified to their designers’ intention to provide visitors with freedom of movement and assembly. They were considered as conceptual categories, related to the absence of a dedicated sightseeing route and the vastness of the space left for visitors. A comparative analysis of codes and categories, however, made it possible to identify yet another interpretative trope, related to the identification of freedom with alienation. In this way, “liberty” has become problematized.Item Становление и развитие современного института губернатора в России (на примере Иркутской области)(Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2020) Zulyar, Yuriy; Zulyar, Raksana; Rybalko, MikhailИсследование процесса создания, становления и развития современной модели российского федерализма обязательно приводит к необходимости анализа института губернатора, являющегося одной из ключевых элементов российской государственности. В течение всего постсоветского периода в системе российского федерализма идет борьба двух тенденций: централизации и децентрализации, в настоящее время доминирует первая. Роль губернатора (главы региона) является ключевой и определяющей во взаимодействии федеральной и региональных властных элит. Спецификой российской модели федерализма является его асимметричность, обусловленная этнической субъектностью. Однако формально главы субъектов РФ имеют равные права и одинаковый круг полномочий. В действительности это не так, но причины этого чисто субъктивны. В каждом субъекте сложилась региональная элита, ориентированная и связанная с правящим классом страны, но не консолидированная внутри мегарегионов. Россия, как реально асимметричная федерация вынуждена уделять большое внимание борьбе с сепаратизмом. В процессе сложных и трудных поисков,руководство страны выработаломодель эффективного федерализма – императивного, при формировании которого был учтен советский опыт. Основным принципом этой модели является соответствие главы региона статусу федерального чиновника, но не представителя, а тем более лидера региональной элиты. Реализация этого принципа весьма трудна, так как находится в противоречии с институтом прямых выборов губернаторов. Однако президент В. В. Путин, владея правом отстранения главы субъекта, строго следит за тем, чтобы они не проводили антигосударственную политику, не имели криминального прошлого и не совершали должностных преступлений. В целях обеспечения эффективного функционирования данной модели, Центр старается не допускать превращения регионов в площадки карьерного роста и делегирует на должности глав субъектов представителей федеральных элит, не связанных с возглавляемыми регионами. При этом особое значение придается его партийности – членство или сочувствие правящей „Единой России”.