Browsing by Author "Tyranowski, Jerzy"
Now showing 1 - 3 of 3
Results Per Page
Sort Options
Item Dwustronne układy sojusznicze Polski Ludowej(Wydział Prawa i Administracji UAM, 1967) Tyranowski, JerzyAprès la deuxième guerre mondiale la Pologne a signé des conventions d'alliance bilatérales avec sept Etats. Quelques-unes de ces conventions ont été déjà renouées (la convention polono-russe en 1945,, les conventions polono-tchécoslovaques et polono-bulgares en 1967). En 1967 on a signéaussi la convention d'alliance avec la République Démocratique d'Allemagne. Le reste des conventions sont en vigueur en forme non changée (polono-hongroise de 19,48 et polono-roumaine de 1949). La convention avec Yougoslavie a été annulée par la Pologne en 1949. Les conventions d'alliance bilatérales de la Pologne constituent une partie du système des alliances bilatérales des Etats socialistes. Ces, Etats sont à l'heure actuelle liés à 19 de ces conventions. Les Etats-parties de ces 19 conventions sont en même temps les signataires du Pacte de Varsovie. Des alliances bilatérales existent indépendamment du Pacte de Varsovie. Casus foederis des conventions d'alliance bilatérales de la Pologne c'est une agression armée de la part de la République Fédérale Allemande („De l'Allemagne qui s'efforce de renouveler a politique agressive" — les conventions conclues jusqu'à 1949: „des forces allemandes — occidentales du militarisme et de la revanche" — les conventions conclues dès 1965) ou de son allié. La convention avec la Bulgarie de 1967 constitue la seule exception laquelle ne limite pas casus foederis à l'agression de la part de la République Fédérale Allemande ou de son allié. En cas de l'accompuissement de l'agression armée sur une des parties des conventions, la deuxième partie est obligée à lui prêter l'aide immédiate et à l'appuyer de tous moyens possibles. Les conventions d'alliance conclues par la Pologne sont fondées sur l'article 51 de la Charte des Nations Unies et leurs parties acceptent toutes les restrictions résultant de cet article. Le but des conventions est d'assurer la sécurité de leur parties, c'est-à-dire l'inviolabilité de leurs territoires et de leur indépendance politique et comme telles ces conventions sont fondées sur statuts que existant en Europe. Cela concerne en premier rang la frontière sur l'Oder et sur Neisse de Lusace et la frontière entre deux Etats allemands. Par ces égards les conventions d'alliance de la Pologne constituent un apport essentiel au profit de l'assurance de la paix et de la sécurité en Europe.Item Ekonomiczne aspekty suwerenności i samostanowienia we współczesnym prawie międzynarodowym (zagadnienia podstawowe)(Wydział Prawa i Administracji UAM, 1992) Tyranowski, JerzyThis article concentrates on the basic problems respecting the „economic sovereignty" and „economic self-determination", and especially on the right to choose he economic system of a state, the permanent sovereignty over natural wealth and resources, the right to free disposal of natural wealth and resources and the problems of economic coercion. In the opinion of the present writer a delimitation should be drawn between he rights of states on the one hand, and the corresponding rights of peoples on he other. Such a delimitation must be based on the assumption that in international aw the concept of sovereignty is connected exclusively with the states, and the concept of self-determination exclusively with the peoples. According to that the right to choose the economic system and the permanent sovereignty over natural wealth and resources are fundamental rights of states flowing from their sovereignty The corresponding rights of peoples flowing from their right to selfdetermination, i.e. the right of every people to choose the economic system of its state and the right to free disposal of its natural wealth and resources,, are only complementary to those fundamental rights of states; they are strengthening the prohibition of foreign intervention which is inherent in sovereign equality of states. Ii is, however, possible that the exercise of „economic sovereignty" may contradict the right of a people to „economic self-determination, especially when the economic system does not conform to the wishes of a people or when a people is being deprived of its own means of subsistence. In such a case the question of foreign intervention arises in a different context. It can be taken for granted that the people's right to self-determination excludes the admissibility of foreign intervention by invitation of the government. On the other hand, it is certain that international law does not authorize any intervention in favour of the people's right to self-determination. The last section of the article is concerned with the problems of economic coercion. In the opinion of the present writer the prohibition of the use of economic measures of coercion still belongs to the sphere de lege ferenda.Item Zagadnienie reintegracji terytorium państwa a prawo ludu do samostanowienia(Wydział Prawa i Administracji UAM, 1988) Tyranowski, JerzyDuring a decolonization process there appeared a complicated problem of non-self-governing territories which earlier, i.e. in the period of their colonization, had been separated from states existing until today. Some of such states raise claims to restoration of integrity of the territory which was earlier subjected to colonial authority. Legal character of such claims was in particular acknowledged in the International Court of Justice advisory opinion on Western Sahara. Thus within the decolonization process — and only then — may territorial claims founded on historical titles be raised. A characteristic feature of such claims is that they are not directed against territorial integrity of any state: they concern colonial territories. Yet they may still collide with a right of a given colonial people to self-determination. Hence, what prevails in such a situation: a claim of a state to restoration of its territorial integrity or a right of a colonial people to self-determination? Having analysed the best known situations (Goa, gong-Kong, Makau, East Timor, Belize, The Falklands-Malwins, Gibraltar, Western Sahara) the author attempts to formulate several conclusions in that respect. The author is first of all of the opinion that in view of common recognition of a right of colonial peoples to independence a former title to sovereignity should in no circumstance precede over a right of those peoples to self-determination. If a given colonial territory existed for a long time under a recognized status of non-self-governing territory and now a people living on that territory expresses its will of retaining that separate status through forming its own state, then such a situation may resemble an act of a successful secession: a claim to restoration of territorial integrity is no longer allowed. The above conclusion is all the more justified in cases of former colonial territories where newly independent states have already been established. A different situation arises with respect to colonial territories with population not constituting a people in the sense of a right to self-determination. Here, in the absence of other criteria distinguishing a people as a bearer of a right to self-determination, the basis for a solution may be only the principle of effectiveness. Only on the strength of criteria resulting from the said principle may a refusal to recognize a right to sovereignity of inhabitants of a colonial territory (i.e. a refusal to recognize them as „a people") be justified. In such cases claims to restoration of territorial integrity are allowed. Moreover, in view of the requirement of a complete abolishment of colonialism, such restoration of integrity seems to be the only possible solution.