Przegląd Politologiczny, 2013, nr 2

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Czy parlament może zmienić mężczyznę w kobietę? Granice i miejsce zasady supremacji parlamentu w brytyjskim porządku konstytucyjnym wobec europejskich procesów integracyjnych (wybrane problemy)
(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2013) Łukaszewski, Marcin
The political system of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland is of interest to researchers for several reasons. One of the most important motivations certainly involves the unique construction of its Constitution, the content of which is not formulated in a single legal act of a supreme status. This unwritten Constitution encompasses at least four parts. The most important part is undoubtedly constituted by one of three principles of the political system, namely the principle of the sovereignty (omnipotence) of parliament. This principle, which is regarded as a constitutional principle by some and as a principle above the Constitution by others, constitutes the core of British constitutional law. The topic of this paper is an attempt to indicate the boundaries of this principle in the British constitutional order and to place it in relation to remaining principles. The boundaries of this principle have been considered by British constitutionalists on numerous occasions. Considerations on the relation of this principle to the remaining elements of the Constitution have been the subject of interest for courts of law, including the House of Lords, which used to function as the court of last instance in judicial proceedings prior to the 2005 reform. It is worth emphasizing that even the lords/judges frequently disagreed on the boundaries of the principle and even on whether the principle can be examined by any court. There were also views that the principle is only a virtual construct, and even if it had ever applied to the political system at all, it can no longer be referred to, given contemporary European integration processes. The complicated combination of elements of the British constitution with the presence of the United Kingdom in the structures of the European Council and European Union (preceded by the European Community) have produced a number of interpretations of the principle of the omnipotence of the parliament in the new political reality the UK has found itself in. It was the adoption of the European Communities Act 1972, followed several decades later by the adoption of the European Union Act 2011 that led to the discussion on the construction of the British Constitution and either the approval or rejection of the concept that the Constitution of the United Kingdom with its meta-principle should be interpreted anew.
Przesunięcie koncepcyjne w studiach granicznych
(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2013) Jańczak, Jarosław
Dynamic (re)development of the border studies in Europe and North America after the collapse of communism proved both (geo)political relevance of disappearing and reappearing boundaries, as well as academic interest in describing, explaining and categorizing the above-mentioned processes. They have been however homogeneous neither in empirical dimension, nor in analytical reflection. What have been observed is growing conceptual shift in border studies. It is manifested in more and more multidisciplinary approach to the field as well as new focus: social practices instead of geopolitical perspective. Consequently border studies look for their own identity and aspirate to be a separate academic discipline.
Liberalizm a szanse pokoju na świecie. Refleksje Karla Jaspersa
(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2013) Citkowska-Kimla, Anna
The paper touches on the topic of optimism, allowing for a thesis of the peaceful coexistence of states to be proposed. This type of thinking was represented by the German philosopher and psychiatrist Karl Jaspers. Jaspers took the view that philosophy brings about political consequences that need to be observed and examined. He was influenced by Max Weber, from whom he adopted the idea of the salvation of Western heritage, embodied in the spirit of liberalism, freedom and diversity of private life. According to Jaspers, Germans should abandon their desire for military supremacy in favor of the dissemination of such universal ideas as freedom. In the interwar period Jaspers wrote a book about the spiritual situation of his times where he touched on the issue of the outcomes of technological progress for the existential dimension of man, who enjoys freedom on the one hand, and is responsible for himself on the other. He concluded by saying that in the face of such technical developments warfare poses a threat to biological survival and to freedom, since it destroys human self-responsibility. Jaspers noticed the problem of an individual being threatened by alienated social institutions, and as a consequence he proposed the thesis of the depersonalization of individual existence. The totalitarian system Jaspers had experienced encouraged him to revise the theoretical aspects and to develop a competitive, libertarian solution. Jaspers strongly emphasized individualism and the responsibility of individuals whose present influences the future. Jaspers’ ideas may be deemed to be remote from realism, since liberalism is a golden mean, neither preventing international wars nor appeasing political national arenas.
System zarządzania kryzysami Unii Europejskiej – znaczenie dla bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego
(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2013) Bryła, Jolanta
The rapid evolution of numerous contemporary threats and the development of multilateralism constitute two significant driving forces for the intensified cooperation between the European Union and the United Nations as regards crisis management. Responding to crises (threats), both natural and man-induced, in an efficient manner requires effective cri- sis management in order to take steps as early as possible when a threat emerges. Given the in- creasing external expectations in this field addressed at the EU, it has gradually been developing relevant civil as well as military instruments of crisis management and response. The EU has also been developing collaboration with the UN which calls for increased commitment of regional organizations in bearing the costs of maintaining international peace and security. Although this cooperation is mutually beneficial, it is not free from weaknesses and limitations on various levels of operation.
Dylematy metodologiczne badań kultury politycznej w Internecie
(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2013) Mider, Daniel
This paper concentrates on the analysis of methodological problems of studies conducted using the Internet, in particular on the issue of whether it is reasonable to apply classical re- search techniques. These considerations start with the reflection on the ontological parameters of the Internet: its physical, socio-psychological and information properties. Next, the paper analyzes four groups of research techniques: surveys of opinion, studies of behaviors, studies of cultural creations, and studies of the structure of the Internet. The subject of analyses in- volves the range and content of modifications required in order to apply individual research techniques in the Internet.
Cechy wizerunku politycznego a emocje w głosowaniu na Bronisława Komorowskiego i Jarosława Kaczyńskiego w wyborach prezydenckich w 2010 roku. Raport z badań postaw politycznych studentów
(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2013) Pawełczyk, Piotr; Jankowiak, Barbara
In the theory of political marketing the concept of the image appears crucial when explaining electoral preferences and behaviors. This paper presents a survey into the relations between image factors and liking for the main two candidates in the presidential elections in Poland in 2010. It is widely supposed that the assessment of a candidate’s image should translate into a definite (positive or negative) emotion towards him or her. An empirical analysis of the influence of political images on political attitudes, however, leads to a slightly more modest conclusion regarding the power of such influence. Surveys do not unconditionally confirm the assumption that voter’s emotions are unequivocally determined by a candidate’s image, especially as the decisive factors in stimulating support for a given politician (or party) may be provided by negative emotions evoked by his or her rival. The results of the survey do confirm an observation that has already been noted in the literature, that cognitive judgments of a candidate’s image have a considerably weaker influence on voter preferences than the emotions he evokes.
Systemy parlamentarne wybranych państw arabskich i muzułmańskich w świetle notatki dla kierownictwa MSZ z 1972 r.
(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2013) Knopek, Jacek
The paper discusses the parliamentary systems of selected Arab and Muslim countries in the Middle East and North Africa at the turn of the 1960s.The analysis concerns a document drawn up for executives in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in late 1972, with an attachment discussing the parliamentary systems of the countries of primary importance for the goals and interests of Poland. As concerns the Middle East, the parliamentary systems of Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq, Kuwait, Iran and North and South Yemen were described. In North Africa, the analysis encompassed the Maghreb region: Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and the Mashrek region: Egypt, Libya and Sudan. The paper concludes with a statement that the document was an accurate and faithful presentation of the parliamentary systems of representative states. Political relations in this region were developing dynamically at that time, military coups and coups d’état occurred, some states were leaning towards socialism, while maintaining their family or religious structures, while others were only just gaining their full sovereignty and in- dependence. The situation of Israel continued to be complicated, as the state remained highly confrontational towards Arab countries. This last issue was the reason for Poland’s failing to achieve the strategic goals of its foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa. Another Israeli-Arab war in October 1973 made Polish decision makers realize how fragile the foundations of states in the region were, preventing Poland from becoming fully involved in Arab and Muslim countries.
Przesłanki rozwiązania parlamentu w praktyce ustrojowej V Republiki Francuskiej
(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2013) Jakubiak, Łukasz
The paper discusses the grounds required for the dissolution of the parliament in the political practice of the French Fifth Republic. The Constitution of October 4, 1958 adopted a model of strengthened political power of the head of state, granting them instruments of executive influence on the functioning of other state organs. Paragraph 12 of the Constitution gives the President practically unlimited power to dissolve the National Assembly – the lower chamber of French parliament. The conditions for applying this paragraph are not stipulated in the legal regulations. It is not necessary for the President to respond to a motion of another body, or even to obtain a countersignature. These constitutional factors have led to various political practices. The author of the paper puts forward the thesis that giving freedom to the head of state as regards the application of paragraph 12 on the one hand provides the necessary foundations to exercise a power model with a considerable degree of decisiveness, but on the other may lead to a situation where the dissolution of the National Assembly no longer has a power function in its conventional sense, but serves the purpose of providing the head of state with an instrument for considerably strengthening his own political position. Since the present Constitution of the Fifth Republic has been in force, the National Assembly has been dissolved five times. The author identifies three basic grounds for applying paragraph 12: to defuse a political or social conflict (1962 and 1968), to restore a politically homogenous executive power (1981 and 1988), and to maintain a given political configuration (1997). Since the 1980s the dissolution of parliament has become a tool for the president to avoid cohabitation and, by this token, to provide a political system where the role of the leader of the executive is in the hands of the head of state. On account of the defeat of the formation supporting the president in 1997 this strategy failed to produce the expected outcome. The dissolution of the National Assembly has not taken place since. In 2000, the length of the mandate of the head of state was shortened to five years, which makes it more likely for parliamentary elections to occur directly after presidential elections. This may for a long time to come eliminate the main grounds for the dissolution of the lower chamber, which in the 1980s and 1990s stemmed from the desire to ensure a political system favorable for the head of state. This reason alone may mean that the significance of paragraph 12 in the political practice of the Fifth Republic will continue to be limited.
"Obok. Polska – Niemcy. 1000 lat historii w sztuce" jako przykład wystawy politycznej
(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2013) Lorenc, Magdalena
The objective of the paper is to analyze and assess the institutional conditions of the exhibition entitled Side by Side. Poland – Germany. 1000 years of Art and History, organized in Martin-Gropius-Bau in Berlin between September 23, 2011 and January 9, 2012. In terms of the number of works of art presented this undertaking was unprecedented in the history of Polish-German relations. The exhibition, and the catalogue that accompanied it, were a part of the Cultural Program of the Polish Presidency in the EU Council in 2011, becoming an exemplification of the issue of the politicization of exhibition discourse, where works of art are utilized for political purposes. The theoretical inspiration for considering this topic was provided by Peter Vergo’s concept presented in his text The reticent object of 1987. In Vergo’s opinion, exhibitions are a cultural fact which is relatively rarely investigated in terms of the means, efforts, conditions and reasons that are necessary for their execution. And yet these institutional conditions, including their financing, the procedures for selecting the entities in charge of the project, the mechanisms for appoint the program board and honorary patronage have a considerable influence on the nature of the exhibition. Concentrating on institutional contexts serves the purpose of answering the question of how the realms of politics and art exhibitions permeate one another. The decisions made by the authorities to become involved in certain exhibition projects constitute the instruments for creating and executing selected public policies, primarily cultural policy. It is therefore impossible to assess the success of a given initiative without considering the political objectives set and achieved by the organizers of the exhibition Side by Side.
Kultura bezpieczeństwa w imprezach masowych w Wielkopolsce. Analiza działań Miejsko-Wojewódzkiego Sztabu Operacyjnego Euro 2012 w Poznaniu
(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2013) Magiera, Maciej
The narrow sense of security, reduced to the ability to survive, has nowadays become insufficient in terms of what society demands. As a result of globalization processes (and the dynamization of reality), the will to maintain a high standard of living (consumerism) and the increasing awareness of individuals in Western culture, the need for a comprehensive minimization of risk has emerged, and hence a demand to look for potential threats in practically every field of life, in order to identify and eradicate them. By means of referring to the culture of security, or – to be more precise – to its three components (resources, organization and mentality), the social expectations of the public administration can be identified. This pa- per reflects the expectations of the citizens of Wielkopolska as regards the security of mass events on the basis of the operations of the Urban-Regional Headquarters of Euro 2012 in Poznań (and the standards and factors influencing its decision-making status).
Od "arabskiej wiosny" do powstania "lajków" w kontekście współpracy Federacji Rosyjskiej i Unii Europejskiej
(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2013) Lakomy, Mirosław
2011 started with the Arab Spring and ended with Putin’s fall said one user of Russian equivalent of Facebook – Vkontake.ru. Around 3,000 more or less serious election frauds identified in the course of the elections to Russian parliament, the Duma, on December 4, 2011 triggered a revolt. Russians did what their predecessors in the authoritarian Arab states, Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, had done. After a heated discussion in the new media they took to the streets in Moscow and St. Petersburg. The blogosphere created Alexei Navalny, who called „United Russia” a party of crooks and thieves. The strongest movement of resistance against the Putin – Medvedev tandem involved young people, whose campaign was named the uprising of ‘likers’.
Polityczne aspekty zjawiska segmentacji społeczeństwa
(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2013) Ruszkowski, Paweł
In the second decade of modernization, profound differences in the effectiveness of the adaptation strategies applied by individual and collective actors have been experienced is Poland. The consequence of these differences is the phenomenon of the fragmentation of Polish society, which refers to the process of permanent differentiation of the position of individuals and social classes. The better adapted classes (e.g. business owners) are highly integrated. Medium adapted classes (e.g. administrative staff) are in a state of structural polarity. The worst adapted groups (e.g. manual workers) are in a state of decomposition. Such fragmentation leads to strong tensions at the level of social macrostructures.
Dyskusja i spory wokół wprowadzania podwójnych nazw miejscowości na terenie Śląska Opolskiego
(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2013) Trosiak, Cezary
The emergence of a German minority in the western part of Śląsk Górny (Upper Silesia, Opolskie Region) in 1989 stirred a discussion, mainly among sociologists and political scientists, on the criteria that would make it possible to solve the issue of justifying this minority’s presence in Poland. At the same time, the leaders of those minority circles faced the task of demonstrating that they were German in ethnic and cultural terms. For both parties it became important to force the Polish Parliament to pass a “minority law” as it came to be called. The battle for the provisions of this act, with varying intensity, lasted until January 2005, when it was signed by the President of Poland and the law entered into force in May of the same year. The adoption of the law on ethnic and national minorities and regional languages enabled minorities to introduce double naming of places where they reside. Initially, this phenomenon was most intense in the Opole part of Górny Śląsk triggering a full range of reactions, ranging from the definitely hostile, threatening an outbreak of an ethnic conflict, to treating this phenomenon as an element enhancing the socio-cultural attractiveness of regions inhabited by minorities.
Polityka wobec pamięci versus polityka historyczna: aspekty semantyczny, aksjologiczny i merytoryczny w narracji polskiej
(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2013) Ponczek, Eugeniusz
Historical policy versus the politics of remembrance is undoubtedly a policy, or a peculiar way to ‘conduct policy,’ where the optimally true knowledge of history as well as falsified and mythicized information about the past are a means to maintain, win and participate in power. By this token, historical policy is about the instrumentalization of the knowledge of history and mythicized accounts or opinions of the past for the sake of the implementation of a politi- cal agenda.So far, the concept of ‘historical policy’ has not yet become a clear academic cate- gory, which makes it difficult to agree what it actually encompasses. Still, the concept of ‘historical policy’ stands a chance of becoming an objective category in political science. Some professional historians may lean towards a certain skepticism, especially if they accept the traditional paradigm of studying the history of society.Misunderstandings regarding the issue of ‘historical policy’ sometimes result in a tendency to reject the possibility of this con- cept being applied by academics from the humanities and social fields of science. Recently, the issue of ‘historical policy’ has become of interest to political scientists, whose area of study involves the multiplicity of ‘detailed policies.’‘Historical policy’ is also discussed by many journalists who do not always present deepened reflections and concrete attitudes, as they rather tend to express their subjective views. It turns out that some Polish historians, po- litical scientists and journalists are embroiled in the current political dispute in Poland. They frequently assume the role of lobbyists or opponents of one option of historical policy or an- other.The issue of historical policy requires analysis and explanation in an objective and multidisciplinary manner. It is a positive phenomenon that more and more publications with academic aspirations are emerging on this subject in Poland. One should recommend the co- operation between political scientists and historians in order to review and reliably explain planned and executed historical policy in a comparative manner.

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