Przegląd Politologiczny, 2010, nr 4
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Item Reprezentacja polskich grup biznesowych w systemie instytucjonalnym Unii Europejskiej a rzetelne rzecznictwo interesów(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Czub, Jarosław FilipThe main aim of this paper is to demonstrate what role Polish business groups play at a supranational level. In Poland reliable advocacy of individual interests by Polish business groups brings negative associations, and the lobbying Polish business groups apply is perceived as an unfair way of exerting pressure on the authorities. Therefore, this paper outlines the conceptualization of the network of notions pertaining to Polish business groups. Lobbying is presented as an instrument applied by professional teams of lobbyists in lobbying campaigns aimed at exerting influence in a transparent, substantive and fair manner. The specificity of interest groups and the stages that affect the emergence of individual Polish business groups are also analyzed. The aspect of legal regulations concerning lobbying activity conducted at a national and supranational level is presented. The picture of the organizational structure, the functions business groups have in the Polish and EU law-making process are discussed as well. The paper also shows the forms of influence used by Polish business groups and exemplifies advantageous activities that contribute to the economic development of Poland.Item Kierunki ewolucji prawa wyborczego w Polsce a demokracja partycypacyjna(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Stelmach, AndrzejOne highly significant phenomenon demonstrating that public life is becoming increasingly democratic is provided by the formal and material guaranty of the citizens’ political participation. Legitimization of power is an important issue. For the sake of simplicity, it may be said that one political option or another has won the elections. Under Polish conditions, an electoral victory means that a given party won more votes than any other. But by no means does it say that this party has won the support of a majority of voters. Poland has been ruled by the parties that have won anything from 20.41% of the votes, as the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) did in 1993, to the 41.51% Civic Platform (PO) won in 2007. This shows that power has been exercised by political parties that have not won the approval of a majority of voters. The picture looks even worse when the support rulers enjoy is not measured in terms of approval expressed by voters, but in terms of absolute values, i.e. the proportion of all citizens entitled to vote. The legitimization of power is extremely low when analyzed from this perspective. In the best case it amounts to 21.89% obtained by the victorious party, and 26.58% of all entitled to vote won by the coalition formed by the victorious parties to rule after the elections. Thus it is difficult to talk about democratic governance, understood as the rule of the majority. It should rather be concluded that the ruling parties are those that have won the largest support, which only means that they have collected more votes than any other political power taking part in the same elections. Understood in this way, power is not exercised on behalf of a majority, but by the best organized minority.Item Jak zmierzyć demokrację? Teoretyczne i metodologiczne podstawy budowy skal demokracji politycznej w politologii porównawczej(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Szewczak, WiktorThe author of the paper undertakes to present and analyze one of the research instruments applied by comparative political science in quantitative surveys, namely scales of democracy (sometimes referred to as indices or factors of democracy). This instrument is quite common in Western, in particular Anglo-Saxon political science, whereas it remains relatively unknown in Polish political science. The aim of the paper is therefore to introduce the reader to this theoretical and methodological construct. In order to achieve this aim the author indicates the possible uses of scales of democracy and the areas of research that apply them. He also analyzes methodological problems related to the development and application of scales of democracy. Although they offer a useful tool in comparative analyses, the essence of this instrument may raise certain methodological and epistemological doubts. Therefore it is significant to maintain the utmost diligence when developing these scales, which must be based on the application of advanced statistical instruments and research algorithms. On the basis of the conclusions of G. L. Munck and J. Verkuilen, the author presents a model process for developing scales of democracy and demonstrates the challenges faced by the researcher trying to develop such scales. The last part of the paper discusses the place of the issue of democracy measurement in Polish political science. The author claims that Polish researchers’ interest in this issue does not correspond to its significance and the potential advantages that could be obtained.Item Populizm lewicowy w Europie na przykładzie partii „Die Linke” w Republice Federalnej Niemiec(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Kopka, ArturOne of the main challenges European democracy has faced recently is growing political radicalism, and primarily the increasing importance of populist parties originating from both left and right sides of the political arena. This paper refers to the theoretical assumptions concerning this phenomenon to analyze the operations of the ‘Die Linke’ party in the German party system. This party is an excellent example of taking skillful advantage of the circumstances favoring the development of the populist tendencies that have emerged following the recent, radical, social, and political changes in the Federal Republic of Germany. Against the background of European extremist left-wing parties, the paper presents the influence this Left-Wing Party exerts on the changing balance of power on the German political arena on a regional and national level, the ideological profile and party platform, and the changing structure of both its members and voters.Item Trójkąt Weimarski po rozszerzeniu UE – niewykorzystany instrument polskiej polityki zagranicznej?(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Wyligała, HelenaFollowing the enlargement of the European Union, Poland was expected to become a significant creator of European policy in the Community, and an equal partner to Germany and France. This was supposed to translate into intensified activity by Poland in the Weimar Triangle. New Weimar projects were expected to provide a new core for the EU, thus sparking a European integration process. However, over the five years of Poland’s membership in the EU, the inter-governmental Weimar initiative has diminished in importance, despite diplomats’ assurances of its useful character. On the other hand, trilateral ventures in social, cultural and regional areas have blossomed. The paper analyzes external and internal factors affecting the activity of the Weimar Triangle. The unused mechanisms of the Triangle and potential cooperation fields are discussed. This is done against the background of considerations on the change in priorities of Polish foreign policy after 2004, and Berlin and Paris’s search for strategic partners in an enlarged EU. The conclusion presents the answer to the question of whether the Weimar Triangle can still be included in the arsenal of instruments of Polish diplomacy, and what prerequisites might herald its revival in the near future.Item Postawy wobec Stanów Zjednoczonych: raport z międzynarodowych badań porównawczych(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Stępińska, Agnieszka; Hordecki, BartoszThe paper presents the results of surveys conducted among students in nearly thirty countries. The surveys concerned the students’ attitudes to the presidential elections in the USA in 2008, and their opinions on the candidates running for election. The attitudes towards the United States, its policy and culture were also surveyed. The results indicate that the attitudes of Polish respondents differ significantly from those of the respondents in other countries. In the fall of 2008, Polish respondents were relatively friendly towards Americans, appreciating their honesty, but disrespecting their incompetence and lack of knowledge. The Polish respondents’ assessments of American policy and culture, the US government and its operations in the international arena were also relatively mild. However, the results of Polish surveys were less favorable to US citizens than the results of earlier surveys. They confirmed that, during the George W. Bush presidency, the attitude of Polish society to everything American slowly, but consistently, grew colder. It seems reasonable to suggest this was a reaction to the US’s global policies and a result of Poles’ dissatisfaction with Polish-American bilateral relations.Item Współpraca państw UE w realizacji polityki akwenowej na przykładzie pierwszej, morskiej, militarnej operacji EUNAVFOR ATALANTA(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Pająk, KrzysztofThe uncontrollable outbreak of piracy attacks off the Somali coast has lately made the East African coast the area where the majority of all global maritime crimes occur. Located in East Africa, Somalia borders one of the most important maritime communication routes on Earth: the Suez Canal – the Red Sea – the Gulf of Aden. EU states could be acutely affected by the disruption of sea trade in this area, therefore they have become actively involved in fighting piracy off the Somali coast. As a result of political, organizational and legal activity, the Council of the EU established the first maritime military operation under the auspices of the European Union – EUNAVFOR Somalia – Operation Atalanta. The efficient operation of EU naval forces, hundreds of miles from European shores would not have been possible had it not been for an extensive and comprehensive maritime policy. Not only has its implementation enabled the EU to chase pirates in the Somali basin, or helped bring any criminals detained before the courts, but is has also influenced countries outside the European Union.Item Kierunki ewolucji Unii Europejskiej na tle wyzwań globalnych(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Mikiewicz, PrzemysławThe aim of the author is to present the possible consequences of any further intensification of the global problems which the European Union will have to stand up to, to a larger degree than before. Globalization has not created global problems, but it has contributed to their intensification. There are four groups of global issues that are of particular significance to globalization processes: (1) international security, (2) ecology, (3) demography, and (4) poverty and marginalization. Undoubtedly, the European Union is a ‘privileged’ region as it comprises safe states. Europe and the United States perceive the prevention of threats to be a common interest, which justifies the claim that the two partners are at least partially chained to each other. However, Europe is vulnerable to the consequences of global threats. In future, poor countries will blame developed countries for their problems, including those related to their natural environment. Adverse demographic trends will result in the European population growing older and there will be a decrease in the numbers of native Europeans. International relations may be destabilized in the long-term by the widening gap between the developed countries and developing ones, and by their feelings of being excluded from globalization processes. An alternative to this scenario could be provided by cohesive and active global policies on the part of the EU, however, it cannot change the adverse consequences of modern global trends by itself.Item Unia Europejska i jej granice. W poszukiwaniu modelu integracji na europejskich peryferiach(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Jańczak, JarosławResearch into borders and frontiers in the context of European integration has evolved, leading to the question of the shape of the external borders of the EU and their organization in relation to the external surroundings. The approach to how the unification processes of the continent are presented has recently changed, and the Union is being perceived through its peripheries. The one-way model of the flow of ideas from the center to the peripheries has been replaced by a two-way one. This allows us to use the Westfalen, imperial and neo-medieval geopolitical model to analyze the EU and, consequently, the four geo-strategies that are regionally diversified in the northern, eastern and southern peripheries of the Union. Nevertheless, it is the periphery that plays the key role and initiates certain types of relations with neighbors, whereas the center approves of them and modifies them, according to its own requirements.Item Suwerenność państw w procesie integracji europejskiej(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Malendowski, WłodzimierzThe paper concerns an attempt to determine the status of European Union member states. It takes as its starting point the statement that the EU’s organizational structure provides for more than a confederation of states but less than a federation. At the present stage of the EU’s development a unique organization has been established that has not predecessor in the standards of international organizations. This is accompanied with a new approach to the interpretation of the nature of sovereignty of integrating European states, which is connected with intensifying processes of decomposition and the loosening of sovereign control by states over their territories and populations. States achieve their sovereign interests within the framework of international structures. They can also voluntarily restrict their sovereign rights on the basis of the commonly accepted rules and principles of international organizations. In this way they assign a comparative degree of state authorities’ competencies to these organizations. As a consequence, numerous issues that were formerly regulated by states are increasingly more often solved by means of corporate operations. This naturally leads to the states’ opening to the international environment without any threat to their sovereignty. The process of integration in Europe has not resulted in sovereignty of the European Union itself. Sovereignty remains an attribute of states. European states maintain their ability toItem Głosowanie elektroniczne – nowe wyzwanie dla demokracji?(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2010) Musiał-Karg, MagdalenaThe notion of democracy poses a significant challenge and problem in modern considerations on history, philosophy and politics. At present, in the face of the so-called information revolution, democracy has undoubtedly undergone profound and easily visible transformations. It can be said that the application of IT to exercise democratic power has brought about a revolution that will span a period of many years, given the different potential differing states have to spread the new technologies. The development of information and communications technology (ICT) has introduced new notions related to democracy, such as teledemocracy, technopolitics or electronic democracy (e-democracy). The subject of this paper, electronic voting (e-voting) is among the highly significant instruments of e-democracy. Electronic voting is the fulfillment of the principle of national sovereignty as it can be applied in the procedures of both indirect (e-elections) and direct (e-referendum) democracy.