Przegląd Politologiczny, 2012, nr 2

Permanent URI for this collectionhttps://repozytorium.amu.edu.pl/handle/10593/4674

Browse

Recent Submissions

Now showing 1 - 12 of 12
  • Item
    O naturze sporów kompetencyjnych. Konflikty pomiędzy organami władzy państwowej w polskiej myśli polityczno-prawnej na przełomie XX i XXI wieku
    (Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2012) Wojtacki, Maciej
    Competency disputes between the organs of state authority are one of characteristics of the Polish political system functioning at the turn of the 20th century, that is since regaining independence until today. The first conflicts between the organs of executive and legislative powers emerged in the period of the Second Republic of Poland. More frequently referred to as constitutional disputes then, these competency conflicts were focused around Marshall Józef Pi³sudski, and their main cause was the interpretation of the Small Constitution, and then the Constitution of 17th March 1921. These interpretations were particularly skillfully applied by the supporters of the Marshall, especially by Stanis³aw Car, Minister of Justice, whose name gave rise to the notion of carowanie [bewitching] of the Constitution. The available sources allow the conclusion that competency disputes were one of the causes for amending the Constitution in 1935, at least from a legal point of view. The period of the Second World War also saw disputes that can be called conflicts of competency. This time the representatives of executive power played the main roles. The conflicts between Prime Minister W³adys³aw E. Sikorski and President W³adys³aw Raczkiewicz resulted in the clearly reinforced position of the former. After 1989, competency disputes became a permanent element of political life, as was the case after regaining independence in 1918. Analogous to the interwar period, a problem with the interpretation of the Constitution emerged, in particular after the Small Constitution was passed in October 1992. The notion of the ‘Falandization of law’ was coined in reference to the advisor to President Lech Wa³êsa – Professor Lech Falandysz. Also the 1997 Constitution, which remains in force, was a source of conflicts, this time between President Lech Kaczyñski and Prime Minister Donald Tusk. Competency disputes over the last two decades clearly show the direction of the further evolution of the Polish political system towards strengthening the position of the Prime Minister while limiting the powers of the head of state.
  • Item
    System rządów parlamentarnych na obszarze poradzieckim: casus Mołdawii i Łotwy
    (Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2012) Fedorowicz, Krzysztof
    The fundamental problem faced by the states that have emerged in the area of the former USSR involved the definition of the desired form of their own political regime. The choices made in this respect in the first stage of political transformation were frequently limited only to the formal stipulation of model legal and constitutional solutions. The post-communist elite wielding power in the new states was characterized by a desire to form a one-man organ of state in the form of a strong president. The absence of democratic traditions and the negative legacy of the USSR have profoundly influenced the processes of shaping the political regimes in the post-Soviet area, and have actually become the predominant reason to legitimize authoritarianism. Only a few states of the former USSR have decided to adopt a model of governance other than a strong presidential system. Latvia deserves attention in this respect, as it has decided to reinstate the tested political principles of the interwar period. In the process of political transformation, the Latvian political elite has opted for the parliamentary system of governance and chose a weak presidency and the primacy of parliament. The transformation process was quickly completed allowing Latvia to be classified today as a non-consolidated democracy. Moldova’s adopting the system of parliamentary governance in 2000 was, in turn, an unintentional result of a political conflict caused by the President’s endeavors to form a strong presidential system. Moldovan parliamentarianism is a product of a protracted shaping of the institutional foundations of the political system and a byproduct of political competition between the legislative and executive powers. The domination of Communists on the Moldovan political stage, however, resulted in the state’s appropriation by one group and President Vladimir Voronin, who enjoyed a great influence exerted both on the parliamentary majority (as the leader of the ruling party) and the government, despite the formal system providing for a parliamentary republic. There emerged a dangerous precedent of the President exceeding his rights and thus becoming the actual leader of a formally parliamentary republic. In the period from 2001–2009, Moldova was a system of controlled democracy where apparently democratic institutions were in fact a cover for undivided, informal power wielded by a small circle. This triggered a social revolution in 2009 and early parliamentary elections, which resulted in a transfer of power and the establishment of a coalition of liberal and democratic parties clearly expressing their intention to implement market reforms and European integration. Despite political obstruction in Moldova’s shaping of its political system, the country stands out among the former post-Soviet republics. It is the only state in the Commonwealth of Independent States where a continuous and uninterrupted cycle of the transfer of power by means of elections can be observed to conform to the law and constitution since the country declared independence in 1991.
  • Item
    Od dyktatury do demokracji: ewolucja systemu wyborczego Hiszpanii
    (Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2012) Jaroszyk-Pawlukiewicz, Joanna
    After 1975 Spain began the difficult process of transforming its political system. The changes included the electoral system, but rather than only reconstructing the system, the principles of how to elect the representatives of the Spanish nation were stipulated anew. Therefore, the paper attempts to answer the question of whether the solutions adopted fully reflect the principle of national representation, as intended by their authors. It is also necessary to present the proposals to reform the Spanish electorate system suggested by Spanish academia.
  • Item
    Czynniki destabilizacji politycznej w Karaczajo-Czerkiesji: separatyzm etniczny i fundamentalizm religijny
    (Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2012) Sieradzan, Przemysław J.
    The Republic of Karachay-Cherkessia is among the most unstable entities of the Russian federation. Whereas the ideas of radical political Islam enjoy little popularity there, the ethnic structure is exceptionally complex, which is not reflected in the model of territorial administration. The scale of corruption and nepotism of the local elite is enormous. The relations between the two titular ethnicities of Karachay-Cherkessia abound in mutual prejudices and distrust, or even hostility. The current model of a two-nationality republic is an element of the Soviet legacy, originally introduced in order to overcome ethnic particularism. The decline of the Soviet model of state fostered ethnic particularism and separatism, which applied to Karachays and Cherkessians alike at the turn of the nineteen-eighties. At present, Karachay separatism is a marginal phenomenon, while the influence of the Pan-Cherkessian movement has been consistently growing, posing an increasing threat to the territorial integrity of the Russian Federation. The author characterizes various dimensions of ethnic separatism in Karachay-Cherkessia and analyzes the reasons for the weakness of the armed Islamist underground in this Caucasian republic.
  • Item
    Demokracja bezpośrednia w Unii Europejskiej (ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem Traktatu Konstytucyjnego Unii Europejskiej)
    (Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2012) Kużelewska, Elżbieta
    The literature on the subject expresses the uniform opinion that direct democracy increases citizens’ interest in political matters, and that a referendum on broadly understood European integration transfers the European debate to the level of a national political discussion conducted not only by politicians, but primarily by citizens. It seems a reasonable solution, then to bring European citizens closer to making decisions by means of referenda. Recently referenda have clearly gained in importance, as evidenced by the growing number of votes cast by citizens. Western literature has named this phenomenon ‘referendomania.’ The ruling elite appealing to citizens to express their standpoint on matters of broadly understood European integration can be perceived as a certain form of evolution of the EU’s political system, where particular emphasis is placed on the involvement of common people.
  • Item
    Polska prezydencja w Radzie Unii Europejskiej (sukcesy i porażki)
    (Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2012) Fiszer, Józef M.
    The purpose of this study is to attempt to show the positive and negative, or favorable and unfavorable, preconditions of the Polish presidency and its assessment. The main proposition is that the presidency was an unprecedented event in Polish history and has had a significant social, political, cultural, economic and international impact, while its consequences will continue to be felt for a long time. The Polish presidency, like all EU presidencies, stirred considerable emotions and its outcomes have already produced divergent opinions among experts, researchers and politicians. It is still too early to present an exhaustive and objective assessment of the presidency, but this does not mean that it cannot be analyzed, examined or have conclusions drawn from it. The author tries to present that despite some negative preconditions that did not encourage the Polish presidency, and the absence of any spectacular successes, the assessment of the Polish presidency has been positive, and Poland deserves both credit and distinction for passing such a stern test despite lacking in experience and facing numerous difficulties. The author also tries to show that the Polish presidency was calm and focused on seeking understanding and compromise; and that it was better than the Czech or Hungarian presidencies. It is unfortunate that the global media were relatively uninterested in the Polish leadership of the Council, which was consequently overshadowed by such events as the crisis in the euro zone, the financial and economic tragedy in Greece, the Arab Spring, and the parliamentary elections in Poland and in Russia.
  • Item
    Stany Zjednoczone Europy czy Unia Amerykańska?
    (Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2012) Kuź, Michał
    The paper compares several selected aspects of political culture in the US and in the EU, and presents the fundamental ideas that have led to the emergence of these two federal political bodies, as according to Montesquieu’s typology, both the EU and the US are federal republics. The similarities and differences become even more apparent when comparing the Constitution of the United States and the Lisbon Treaty, which is to constitute the constitutional foundation of the European Union. Such a comparison reveals that the EU and the US are divided by a dialectical difference. This means that these two political constructs apply diametrically opposite solutions to essentially similar political problems. Theoreticians continue to discuss which model of federal republic is better, and whether the EU will have to adopt American solutions, or whether the US will europeanize itself. The author attempts to present the arguments of both sides in this discussion. In his opinion, though, either the EU will experience a breakthrough comparable to the Philadelphia Convention, or will face ultimate disintegration.
  • Item
    Jedność europejska: wizje i sposoby urzeczywistniania integracji
    (Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2012) Chodubski, Andrzej
    The idea of European unity is a political challenge that has been addressed in various forms since the states started forming in the vicinities of the Rhine, Danube and Elbe. In the course of history European integration has evolved to face the challenges of a) merging, crossing and diffusion of cultural patterns represented by different local, regional and supra- regional communities; b) the submission or conquests of regions by empires and imposing defined patterns of cultural life on them; c) the reinforcement of the continental identity vis à vis other civilizations, in particular Asiatic ones; d) the guarantee of safety for states and nations as well as the promotion of the ideas of liberty, the rule of law, self-governance and democracy. In creating the spiritual unity of Europe, the repertoire of values developed by the cultural life of ancient Greece and Rome, as well as Judeo-Christian communities, is commonly referred to. European identity is characterized by a division into cultural and political identification. The idea of European unity is both an intellectual, and a theoretical-doctrinal concept, oriented at the broadest range of cultural and civilizational integration of the continent, as well as a concrete political and economic undertaking. At present, particular significance is attached to the attitude of public opinion when implementing it. The Union’s integration is an aspect of numerous implementation projects which depends on the support and legitimization of public opinion.
  • Item
    Dynamika wzajemnych relacji między Unią Europejską a Chińską Republiką Ludową na początku XXI wieku
    (Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2012) Żódź-Kużnia, Katarzyna; Wiśniewski, Janusz
    On account of their potential, and the growing international influence of the EU and the People’s Republic of China, the mutual relations of both parties conducted at the level of a complex strategic partnership are a priority for both of them. The scope of the said partnership is consistently expanding and includes new dimensions and instruments of cooperation. Modern re- lations between the EU and China go far beyond the economic issues which, nevertheless, remain the main part of bilateral relations. Still, both parties have noted that they have common geopolitical interests and they are in agreement that political dialogue should deepen and expand. The common interests in EU-Chinese relations are accompanied by a number of divergent ones. The main discrepancy concerns political issues (lack of democratic standards, violation of freedom and civil rights, and the EU’s embargo on weapons) as well as economic ones (the free market status of the Chinese economy and the violation of intellectual property laws by China). From the point of view of the European Union, particular significance in relations with China should be given to the coordination and cohesion of national policies conducted by indi- vidual Member States and to the practical application of commonly agreed priorities. Only an EU speaking with a single voice can be a credible and significant partner for China, which after the years of being marginalized is returning to the circle of great powers of the modern world.
  • Item
    Droga na Downing Street. Uwagi nad karierę polityczną Margaret Thatcher
    (Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2012) Kosman, Marceli
    The road of Margaret Thatcher (born in 1925) to her political career and winning the tell- ing nickname of the ‘Iron Lady’ has commonly been described as exceptional in the recent history of the Old Continent. The first woman to head a great European democracy, she served as Prime Minister three times, winning general elections and heading the government of Great Britain for eleven years (1979-1990). This was a record-breaking result in the history of the UK, which she managed, surrounded by a team of consummate coworkers whom she clearly dominated. Thatcher is included in a small circle of the most outstanding statespeople in her country, in particular compared to Winston Churchill. Despite not having aristocratic origins, she won the highest office in the government of Her Majesty Elizabeth II thanks to her talent, diligent work, ambition, and experience gath- ered in the positions she successively held. Her career in the Conservative Party lasted many years. Her vision of transformations in the political system of the state was based on her own experience and the advice of devoted workers, who she selected using her intuition. Her hus- band, Denis Thatcher, played an important role by her side, yet he always remained in the background, providing support and playing the role of a reasonable private advisor. The author emphasizes the high political culture of Margaret Thatcher and her circle, and he also underlines Polish elements in her policy. He pays a lot of attention to her excellent memoires as a source for politological studies, and to a review of the latest movie about the ‘Iron Lady’.
  • Item
    Rzecz o nepotyzmie i kumoterstwie
    (Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2012) Rosicki, Remigiusz
    The paper comprises an introduction, four parts, and conclusions. The introduction char- acterizes the fundamental notions discussed in the paper, namely kin selection, nepotism, cronyism and political capitalism. The first part of the paper concerns kin selection and reciprocal altruism, which are deemed to be the fundamental mechanisms of socialization. This part indicates that nepotism has a biological justification (and in R. Dawkins’ interpretation – a genetic justification). The mechanisms of kin selection and reciprocal altruism raise the question of whether nepotism is not a natural phenomenon in humans. If so, this means that the negative assessment of these phenomena of public life goes against natural human inclinations. The second part of the paper refers to the origins of the notion of nepotism and to a particu- lar understanding of the public realm in modern democracies. The development of democracy has been related to the transformation of the mechanisms of governance which consisted in concessions made by the authorities to those demanding changes. Political struggle has been minimized as it was directed at competition among citizens. The struggle for the change of power has been replaced by the struggle for access to positions and goods in the public realm. Axiological justification has been provided by social justice as a claim for equal access to goods by virtue of principles of transparency. The third part of the paper discusses the issue of nepotism and cronyism in public opinion. It refers to the results of public opinion surveys concerning, among other things, favoritism, ways of looking for jobs, unequal opportunities on account of social status, and the social sta- tus of the family. Additionally, selected examples of nepotism and favoritism in political life are presented. The fourth part deals with the issue of political capitalism both in the interpretation of M. Weber and as a phenomenon of the transition of the Polish socio-political system. Political capitalism can be defined in a nutshell as using state structures or political positions for an un- fair distribution of goods and is expressed by muddy links between the representatives of state with the private business sphere.
  • Item
    Neokonserwatyzm na tle systemu partyjnego w Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki
    (Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2012) Raubo, Jacek
    The indisputable uniqueness of the US’s political system is also reflected in its party system. The exceptional nature of some elements that characterize the most important US political par- ties can be illustrated by presenting the evolution of what is called neoconservative thought. Neoconservative roots reach back to the Democratic Party, yet the implementation of their most important assumptions, in particular in the field of international policy, is strictly related to their changeover to the Republican side. The objective of this paper is therefore to indicate the transi- tion that took place in the US political stage, mainly in the period of the Ronald Reagan adminis- tration, and to determine the modern position of neoconservatism, in particular in the context of the weakened Republican position following the election success of Barack Obama.