Czarnogóra i Bośnia-Hercegowina (problemy graniczne i etniczne)
| dc.contributor.author | Kałążna, Klaudia | |
| dc.contributor.author | Rosicki, Remigiusz | |
| dc.date.accessioned | 2018-02-19T13:58:47Z | |
| dc.date.available | 2018-02-19T13:58:47Z | |
| dc.date.issued | 2008 | |
| dc.description | The area of South Eastern Europe became a place, where in the 90' the barrel of gunpowder exploded again. The severe national conflict was caused by the specificity of this region. The Balkans (the area of Yugoslavia) is a national, religious and cultural melting pot. The breakup of Yugoslavian socialist country and choking by joint socialist ideology animosities between different groups, was enough to start the fire again. The present image of the Balkans is an attempt to settle the conflicts, which devoured this land in the previous centuries – a lot of them are not solved until today (eg. Kosovo). The contemporary border between Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina is a result of multiculturalism and geography of this area. The border between Montenegro and Bosnia - Herzegovina results from many factors. Firstly – religion, secondly – ethnic blend, thirdly – politics, and, of course, geographical conditions. Stronger influences of the Orthodox Church in Montenegro and Serbia had an impact on the survival and shaping of these countries' population unity. This cannot be found in Bosnia - Herzegovina. The very Bosnia - Herzegovina /today/ results from political agreements – also on the international level. For instance, Republika Srpska, which accounts for the Eastern border of this country. Thus, Republika Srpska accounts for the border with Montenegro. By way of example, the current territory of the Republic is disproportionate to the ethnic representation (the Serbian minority). The influence of politics, or rather the argument of politics – strength, is a good example for realistic representations in international relations and in political geography. For the evaluation of border relations, the positivist and realistic prism is still significant. We should not tell and focus only on transboundary area as a space of interaction (economy, culture, etc.). It would be necessary to treat border as a space of strength relation. It is some theoretical look, which shines author. | pl |
| dc.identifier.citation | Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne, no. 1, pp. 165-178. | pl |
| dc.identifier.issn | 1731-7517 | |
| dc.identifier.uri | http://hdl.handle.net/10593/21591 | |
| dc.language.iso | pol | pl |
| dc.relation.ispartofseries | Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne;1 | |
| dc.rights | info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess | pl |
| dc.subject | Montenegro | pl |
| dc.subject | Bosnia and Herzegovina | pl |
| dc.subject | border conflict | pl |
| dc.subject | border dispute | pl |
| dc.subject | territorial dispute | pl |
| dc.subject | ethnic conflict | pl |
| dc.subject | religious conflict | pl |
| dc.subject | political conflict | pl |
| dc.subject | Theory of the Border | pl |
| dc.subject | border | pl |
| dc.subject | process of bordering | pl |
| dc.title | Czarnogóra i Bośnia-Hercegowina (problemy graniczne i etniczne) | pl |
| dc.type | Artykuł | pl |
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