Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne, 2005, nr 1
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Item Epifenomenalny i istotowy wymiar muzyki w polityce(Wydawnictwo Naukowe WNPiD UAM w Poznaniu, 2005) Massaka, IwonaThe history of music has taken account of the part music has played in political processes and in particular of its epiphenomenal aspect. If any connection between music and politics is perceived at all, the role of music in politics is demonstrated to be auxiliary and accessory. Music is well known for its extreme efficiency in creating moods and, as a consequence, in creating opinions and attitudes. Therefore its role in politics is usually associated with the support for the cult of the authority in autocratic regimes and with indoctrination of all sorts. The function of music is reduced to that of providing an emotional atmosphere conducive for the transfer and reinforcement of certain ideologies in social awareness. On the other hand, it is observed that mass demonstrative opposition against imposed ideologies is also frequently expressed by means of music.Item The Comparison of the Finnish Security Policy in 1990 and 2002(Wydawnictwo Naukowe WNPiD UAM w Poznaniu, 2005) Osiewicz, PrzemysławPrzedmiotem niniejszego artykułu jest porównanie polityki bezpieczeństwa Finlandii w przełomowym dla Europy roku 1990 oraz w roku 2002. Analizie poddano osiem czynników, na których podstawie można określić czy oraz jakim zmianom jakościowym uległa owa polityka. Są to: 1) relacje z EWG/UE, 2) stosunek wobec Paktu Północnoatlantyckiego, 3) udział w operacjach utrzymania pokoju, 4) relacje z ZSRR/Federacją Rosyjską, 5) współpraca z innymi państwami nordyckimi, 6) stosunki z państwami bałtyckimi powstałymi w wyniku rozpadu ZSRR, 7) polityka neutralności oraz 8) niezaangażowanie. Należy zaznaczyć, iż choć powyższy katalog jest zapewne niepełny, to obejmuje najważniejsze czynniki, jakie należy wziąć pod uwagę w przypadku Finlandii. W pierwszej części przedstawiono tło historyczne oraz kształt fińskiej polityki bezpieczeństwa w 1990 roku, natomiast w drugiej – w 2002 roku. Wyniki, właściwe dla obu momentów, zostały porównane w podsumowaniu, celem ustalenia ilości oraz jakości zmian, które zaszły w ciągu dwunastu lat. W obrębie sześciu spośród ośmiu wyżej wymienionych czynników odnotowano znaczące zmiany. Na ich podstawie można stwierdzić, iż polityka bezpieczeństwa Finlandii uległa przeorientowaniu z neutralnej w 1990 roku na wyraŸnie prozachodnią w roku 2002.Item Czy „Polacy są Irlandczykami kontynentu…”?(Wydawnictwo Naukowe WNPiD UAM w Poznaniu, 2005) Wróbel, MarzenaThere are certain similarities between Poland and Ireland, namely the long history of struggling for independence, difficult relationship with their stronger neighbors in the past and certain distrust towards them in the present, attachment to Catholicism (and its relation to the national identity), mass emigration waves and poor economic structure, based on small farms, at the time of joining the EU structures. However, this relative similarity of the history of both countries (which are perceived as referring to their history to an excessive degree) and shared experience cannot provide an answer to the question whether Poland in the EU will follow the successful Irish path. The answer should be sought in bold economic programs, their consistent implementation and in the achievement of the goals set.Item Zmiany w stosunkach Rosja-unia Europejska. Przyczyny i konsekwencje(Wydawnictwo Naukowe WNPiD UAM w Poznaniu, 2005) Cybulski, MarcinAnalyses show that the mutual relations between the EU and Russia are marked by profound pragmatism on the one hand (in Russia) and a certain complex of a powerful neighbor and the fear of political turmoil on the other (in the EU). Russia tries to take advantage of these fears in order to maximize her profits and skillfully oscillates between the policy of the USA and that of EU which both count on the benefits to be obtained from the opening of the Russian market. However, the recently popular Russian alliance with China does not pose an actual alternative for the commercial exchange with Europe. This is due to the abundance of Chinese natural resources and expanding Chinese economy that is looking for sales markets rather than offering its purchasing market. In the long run the Russian alliance with the EU will have to be based on new principles that will restrict financial support by the United Europe that will be required to finance its new members.Item Zachód jako punkt odniesienia rosyjskiej polityki zagranicznej(Wydawnictwo Naukowe WNPiD UAM w Poznaniu, 2005) Nadskakuła, OlgaThe West has been one of the most significant reference criteria for the Russian political, historical or ideological thought. The reason for this is that Russian identity has been shaped mainly by virtue of comparison to the West. Therefore, Russian self-reflection is always assessed by means of Russian relation to the West. This relation has assumed various dimensions in different times, yet it has always ranged from utter admiration for the Western civilization to extreme disapproval of its achievements. At present Russia no longer develops her relations with the West on the fragile foundations of ideology that has been substituted by the factors of national interest or higher necessity. Therefore it seems that when asked „Where are you heading, Russia?” she is going to keep answering „Westwards” for a long time to come.Item Reklama społeczna w Polsce po 1989 roku(Wydawnictwo Naukowe WNPiD UAM w Poznaniu, 2005) Czyhin, BorysAdvocacy advertising is a special form of communication. There are opinions that its very definition is oxymoronic in nature. Its tools and methods are drawn from the repertoire of commercial marketing, yet the goals and the message are lofty and noble. The differences between commercial and advocacy advertising are subtle as they refer to the fundamental principles and measures of efficiency. The approach to strategy planning and creating the message of advocacy advertising is not professional in Poland. Advertising agencies do not employ social psychologists. The errors that emerge as a result are reflected in low efficiency of the messages. Advocacy advertising is a tool of sociotechnology. Its purpose is to shape the socially desirable attitudes and behaviors. Even the best intentions of the authors and orderers of advertising, however, cannot overcome the obstacle of limited budgets allocated to the socially committed marketing.Item Białoruskie środki masowej informacji – kryzys permanentny?(Wydawnictwo Naukowe WNPiD UAM w Poznaniu, 2005) Musiał, MironThe paper describes the Belarussian legal system with reference to the mass media. The author attempts to track the evolution of the fundamental law as well as that of acts, decrees and ordinances that led to an authoritarian press system (according to the theory of Siebert, Schramm and Peterson) to emerge in Belarus. Legal acts were treated in anincreasingly instrumental way that became particu larly obvious in the above-mentioned realm of the media. This applied both to the stage of their emergence and management. The main principle of this tendency was the profound influence the media exert on peoples’ attitudes. The moment Alexander Lukashenka assumed the position of President of the Republic, he has started to impose the state control over the whole spectrum of relations within the society. The mass media have been among the first victims as their impact on the society was well evidenced. The authorities have not yet completely succeeded in subordinating the mass media to the state propaganda mechanisms; however there are unequivocal indications what the ultimate results the policy that has been consistently implemented since 1995 will bring. There are fewer than ten independent editorial offices in Belarus at present...Item Ograniczenia niezależności w układzie dziennikarz – redaktor naczelny – wydawca (właściciel) w prasie lokalnej(Wydawnictwo Naukowe WNPiD UAM w Poznaniu, 2005) Jurga, EwaFinancial standing of a newspaper is decisive for journalist freedom and independence. It may be observed in the journalistic reality of local newspapers, particularly of those privately owned, that financial matters usually predomin ate over journalistic ethics. Such practice overshadows the apparently noncommercial nature of the press that is emphasized by the editorial office. Most titles make an overt reference to their independence and stimulating role. The latter is most likely to refer to the influence the press exerts on the public awareness, which contradicts the commercial purposes. In contrast to private newspapers, the titles owned or subsidized by local governments are not profit-oriented. The journalists in such newspapers frequently workpro public obono and are not remunerated for their work. It is essential for such editorial teams that the society approves the institutions their newspapers represent.Item Pluralizm w mediach a wolność wyboru jako fundament liberalnej demokracji(Wydawnictwo Naukowe WNPiD UAM w Poznaniu, 2005) Ossowski, SzymonModern member of the audience in Poland and elsewhere is not a subject of ethics thus he/she does not have a free choice in the philosophical (exclusively liberal and democratic) sense. He/she is surrounded by information smog as nearly identical news is provided by different sources. The journalists the audience trusts first select the important pieces of news before publishing them; secondly they process and comment them thus providing the audience with the description of the facts as well as with its in- terpretation and assessment. The journalists are significantly dependent on the owner who tends to treat his/her newspaper or station as a profit-oriented enterprise. By this token the owner is directly dependent on the advertisers, who need to be attracted to the same extent as the audience does. As a result, the actual freedom of choice is purely de- ceptive, which is not to mean it is unattainable. An individual may try to take advantage of it, yet the ultimate result depends on him/herself.Item Krytyczny pluralizm w mediach, czyli kilka uwag o kapitale idei(Wydawnictwo Naukowe WNPiD UAM w Poznaniu, 2005) Zieliński, WojciechThe considerations on the subject of this paper are divided into three parts. The first one relates the problems of the media to the notion of communication activity, as understood by Hamermas, that does not merely constitute an accidental element of social praxis, but is a key instrument of potential shaping of the desirable quality of this praxis in the modern society. The second part discusses the nonidentity of the multitude as status quo and pluralism as the idea that organizes the use of this multitude. This is done by means of Popper’s juxtaposition of the radically pluralistic principle of freedom in the selection of the content with the idea of critical pluralism. Finally, the third part of the analysis focuses on the capital of ideas as a certain reservoir of higher values that may also organize the everyday practice of the media, provided that the media people are willing to take advantage of this capital. This appears not to be easy given the pop-cultural pressure for political digestibility and economic efficiency of the media product.Item Podmiotowość jako transcendencja. Przyczynek do definicji podmiotowości politycznej(Wydawnictwo Naukowe WNPiD UAM w Poznaniu, 2005) Paradowska, Wiera; Paradowski, RyszardTo define political subjectiveness as a purpose-oriented activity brings about the obliteration of differences between authoritarian policy and liberal-and-democratic policy, as well as between an authoritarian and liberal-and-democratic definition of politics. The authors of the paper considered it justified to move from the common comprehension of subjectiveness to its metaphysical aspect, and to positioning it in the realm of philosophical transcedency. This required them to determine the difference between a philosophical and religious meaning of tanscendency. This difference is demonstrated in the article.