Przegląd Politologiczny, 2017, nr 4
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Item Russian smart power in Georgia(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2017) Markozashvili, Lasha; Dvalishvili, TinatiniRussia has always been active militarily; however, the current regime attempts to combine hard power with soft power tools. Russian-Georgian relations are wrought with tensions and clashes. The Western-oriented foreign policy of the latter causes worries in the Kremlin. Although the Russian federation has a strong standing in the Caucasus region, prominently due to its military presence there, the smart power policy is enacted to gain long lasting legitimacy. The mediums, such as pro-Russian non-governmental organizations, cultural intelligentsia and the Church clergy, promote the notion of a common culture and shared values. This promotion is usually accompanied by negative narratives directed towards the liberal West.Item Demilitarization and neutralization – the case of the Åland Islands(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2017) Brańka, TomaszDemilitarization and neutralization are among the specific restrictions that apply to the exercise of territorial sovereignty. Although frequently employed in international practice, no generally accepted definitions are available for either of these concepts. The void has given rise to a host of interpretations, which vary particularly widely in the case of demilitarization. The Åland Islands are a classic example of an area that has been both militarized and neutralized. Owing to its strategic location, it has repeatedly become the focal point of political clashes between European powers over the last two centuries. The Islands were seen as a key to pursuing Baltic Sea policies and balancing the strengths of European powers. The conflicts that swept through the region in the 19th century led to the gradual improvement of methods to demilitarize and subsequently neutralize the archipelago. Its status was ultimately settled in 1921 by an international convention and recognized after the end of World War II. The international legal status granted to the archipelago at that time has persisted to this day and continues to serve as a model of effective demilitarization and neutralization.Item How to measure political gnosis? Empirical evidence from Putin’s Russia(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2017) Rak, JoannaThe research applies a method of sources analysis that draws upon a qualitative comparative study of three speeches delivered by Russia’s President Vladimir Putin during his annual news conferences. It aims to solve the problems: how was political gnosis changing in Putin’s statements over the subsequent 2014–2016 meetings? And how was Putin triggering off a performative potential of presumably non-gnostic elements of discourse to enhance political gnosis? It identifies the drift from authoritarian to totalitarian and democratic gnosis and recognizes a moderate extent of the intensity of political gnosis. The article contributes to political sociology by creating and testing the empirical effectiveness of a research tool for measuring the types and intensity of political gnosis, and distinguishing between political diagnosis and gnosis.Item A Civic Budget as a form of civil participation, or an institutional PR tool. The Civic Budget in the City of Poznań(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2017) Ossowski, SzymonThe paper discusses the Civic Budget of the City of Poznań (CBP). The analysis focuses on the nature of the CBP and the extent to which it is a participatory budget or rather a PR instrument. The hypothesis is proposed that participatory budgets in Poland are more of a PR instrument than participatory budgets in the strict sense. In order to verify this hypothesis the example of Poznań is analyzed, including the evaluation report of the CBP16. It is concluded that such civic budgets as the CBP can hardly be described as participatory budgets in the strict sense. They do not involve enough consultation, deliberation or actual co-deciding. Too few people are involved in the idea of civic budgets and a clear majority of those who do, only take part in the vote. There are only a few people involved on a long-term basis. All this makes the CBP more of a contest and plebiscite, rather than a participatory budget, which is confirmed by the comparison of the principles and practice of the CBP with the definitions of participatory budgets.Item When rationality meets political interest. Problems of education policy rationalization in Polish municipalities(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2017) Kołomycew, AnnaThe paper presents the results of the research on education policy rationalization in rural and urban-rural municipalities. The author focuses on the most radical rationalization solution, namely the liquidation of schools. This solution, albeit economically feasible, can be costly in the social dimension. In the article, the author verifies the hypothesis assuming that the postulated rationalization of the municipal education policy becomes fictitious when the municipal authorities (executive body) are motivated by their own interest, i.e. maintaining public support (a victory in subsequent elections) rather than economic rationality and public good. The problem of rationalizing school networks in the municipalities has been analyzed by the author on the grounds of the rational choice theory. The article was based on the literature review, quantitative data and empirical research carried out in selected municipalities in the form of semistructured interviews. The comparative method, elements of system analysis and qualitative methods were used in the research. In a two-stage process, the researcher has chosen the municipalities located in three provinces (Świętokrzyskie, Mazowieckie and Pomorskie), and then 60 respondents from among the following groups: municipal authorities (an executive body and representatives of a legislative body), teachers, school governing non-state entities, representatives of local communities and local leaders.Item The evolution of the party systems of the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic after the disintegration of Czechoslovakia. Comparative analysis(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2017) Koźbiał, KrzysztofAfter the breaking the monopoly of the Communist Party’s a formation of two independent systems – the Czech and Slovakian – has began in this still joint country. The specificity of the party scene in the Czech Republic is reflected by the strength of the Communist Party. The specificity in Slovakia is support for extreme parties, especially among the youngest voters. In Slovakia a multi-party system has been established with one dominant party (HZDS, Smer later). In the Czech Republic former two-block system (1996–2013) was undergone fragmentation after the election in 2013. Comparing the party systems of the two countries one should emphasize the roles played by the leaders of the different groups, in Slovakia shows clearly distinguishing features, as both V. Mečiar and R. Fico, in Czech Republic only V. Klaus.Item Media ownership regulation in Europe – a threat or opportunity for freedom of speech?(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2017) Skrzypczak, JędrzejThis study analyses regulatory solutions at the level of the European Union, and Poland in particular. This issue is variously regulated in the national laws of many member states of the European Union. The fundamental objective of such restrictions should be the intention to ensure pluralism in the media. It is not the phenomenon of media concentration that poses a threat to freedom of expression but it is its scale.Item Influence of political communication on the transformation of identity. Reflection in Ukrainian digital media discourse(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2017) Nosova, BogdanaThis article has been updated due to the new processes present in the Ukrainian digital media discourse. The texts that were published in the Ukrainian digital media from 2013–2015 actively covered the problem of the transformation in Ukrainian identity. The article aims to show the role of digital media in the transformation of the Ukrainian identity. To this end, an overview of modern interpretations in the media of Ukrainian identity is given; the catalyzing impact of digital media on the transformation of Ukrainian identity is shown; and it is demonstrated that the European integration dialogue within the Eastern Partnership is stimulating the transformation of Ukrainian identity (using texts from convergent media, such as the “Den” [Day] newspaper).The theoretical basis of this article deals with the works of renowned scholars in the field of the impact of digital media on various social changes. This includes researchers such as Jim Hall on online journalism, Volodymyr Kulyk on the objectivity of digital media, Richard A. Lanham on the importance of the “electronic word” and Andrzej Mencwel on the tools of the multimedia communication revolution. Identity issues are raised in the article on the theoretical basis of Monserrat Guibernau, Yaroslav Hrytsak and Zenon E. Kohut. The mobilizing impacts of digital media on society are reflected in the texts on the Ukrainian Euromaidan and Dignity Revolution period published in traditional media and distributed online. The authors of these digital media include historian, Timothy Snyder, writer, Oksana Zabuzhko, and online communications expert, Maksym Savanevsky. The use of digital media in political communications has led to new demonstrations of Ukrainian identity and its adaptation to new political realities. Digital media were at the forefront of operational information about the events of the political life of the state. Political, social and state institutions have focused on communication with citizens over the Internet, including social media, blogs and columns in online media. The high-quality digital media used in Ukraine have taken on an innovative position of pluralism, ultimately adapting to a European national identity, or at least cruising along a parallel trajectory with Europe. The European integration dialogue within the Eastern Partnership in the media has been stimulating the transformation of the Ukrainian identity. Other new projects, which include publishing of books based on digital media texts, are also essential. The Ukrainian high-quality digital media, maintaining the traditions of free media, have reached a high level in analyzing the facts truthfully and adequately reflecting Ukraine’s political processes and its involvement in international events.Item Political implications of new social thinking: byproduct of the privatization of the kibbutzim(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2017) Levy, MordechaiIn the 1980s the kibbutzim suffered a severe economic and demographic crisis, which endangered the continuation of their existence as cooperative communities. The solution was to adopt steps, taken from the ideas of the free market. Beyond the increase of economic efficiency, the rearrangement of the community under new rules was accompanied by political influence, as can be seen in the change of the voting pattern of the kibbutzim members to the Knesset. The main argument is that the arrangement of kibbutz society under the new rules brought into the kibbutz a new social discourse that completely changed the way in which the individual defines himself in social and political terms. The political byproduct was that the Left parties that in the past served as a prototype for the socialist identity were perceived as not relevant to the new social identity, in favor of steadily increasing support for the center parties. To track the change in the political identity, we chose to examine from up close three kibbutzim found at different stages of the change processes: Kibbutz Deganya A, Kibbutz Mizra, and Kibbutz Ein Dor. The objective was not only to identify which group in the kibbutz changed its political identity but primarily, to examine how the penetration of the new social knowledge contributed to this. The findings revealed a large gap in the perception of reality primarily between two age groups in the kibbutz. Unlike the older generation, the younger employed neo-liberal social representations to define itself, the community, and the political system. The left parties, like the old kibbutz, were perceived as old, inefficient, and thus not relevant for it in the voting for the Knesset.Item Challenges of i-voting – practices, rules and perspectives. Examples from Estonia and Switzerland(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2017) Musiał-Karg, MagdalenaThis paper discusses the experience related to selected European states implementing i-voting. Particular emphasis is given in the text to the issues of the definition of internet voting (as one of the forms of electronic voting); the analysis of experiences gathered by states with a history of the implementation of internet voting; and the procedures of vote casting via Internet. The main goal of this text is to answer the questions of the greatest risks and benefits of internet voting, the influence i-voting has on voter turnout and the future prospects of i-voting. The considerations presented here focus on the experiences of two states with apparently the greatest experience in the field of i-voting, namely Estonia and Switzerland.Item Introduction to attention-based politics(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2017) Merkovity, NorbertThis study introduces a new tendency in political communication that starts from the politicians’ use of Twitter and Facebook. Representatives have to realize that they are in an environment where celebrities can attract, maximize, and direct the attention of followers. Politicians will do just the same. The communication techniques used set the focus of analysis on attention-based politics. The most visible part of Donald Trump’s election campaign will be used as an example, in order to demonstrate this speciality of political communication. The main findings of the study support the idea that the new ICTs will not revolutionize political communication because what we are seeing is a ‘spectacular’ development, an adaption to the information environment, where the process is sometimes faster, at other times slower. This creates the feeling that what has functioned well in political communication in the past few years is now becoming obsolete.Item A new approach to policy evaluation in the European Union(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2017) Kubera, PaulinaThe significant role of the European Union in diffusion of evaluation in Europe is widely acknowledged (Stern, 2009). Although evaluation has a long-standing tradition in the EU, and in particular within the European Commission, in recent years one can observe the process of its expansion, diversification and institutionalisation. The aim of the paper is to explore the new developments in evaluation policy in the EU, which can be characterised, among others, by strengthening the links between ex ante and ex post impact evaluations and thus closing the policy cycle, where ex post evaluation feeds into ex ante assessment of new public actions. Hence, the problem of utilisation of evaluation findings is discussed. The scope of evaluation performed at the EU level has also been extended from expenditure to regulatory instruments. More- over, there has been a shift from evaluating merely projects and programmes to evaluating policies and aggregated activities. To this end, a literature and documentary review on evaluation theory and prac- tice have been conducted, as well as the analysis of the normative provisions that are applied to guide the practice of evaluation in the EU.Item The enlargement of the European Union – Poland’s example. Between unity and diversity(Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2017) Czachór, ZbigniewThe history of Poland’s integration activities, undertaken both before and after joining the EU, has featured several attempts to demonstrate its desire to become an independent entity in the internal EU game of the interests of other EU countries and institutions. This has been the case, since Poland’s interests have not always been compatible with the interests of the other actors of integration. For instance, Poland has opposed the scenario of the faster development of countries forming the ‘hard core’ of the EU. On the other hand, Poland still supports the universal postulate of making Europe a continent of democracy, freedom, peace and progress. The European Union has remained the guar - antee that the lines that divide Europe will be erased and stable and consistent development ensured. Therefore, the author believes that Europe (the European Union) has no alternative, and will have to opt for a universalist-and-particular synthesis of unity in multiplicity, and unity in diversity, which enriches and develops but does not divide countries. First and foremost, this synthesis emphasizes the common good while not losing sight of (abandoning) the individual good.Item Energy security cultures in the European Union(WNPiD UAM, 2017) Rosicki, RemigiuszThe research problem under analysis in this text is ‘energy security cultures’ in the European Union. The main goal of the research is to conduct a comparative analysis involving selected existing research papers on ‘energy cultures.’ In the analysis, attention is drawn to research employing quantitative methods based on object clustering methods. Given the necessity to make the research problem more specific, the text addresses the following research questions: (1) Is the claim that the European Union presents special ‘energy security cultures’ legitimate?, (2) Did the period of 2008-2012 witness changes to the above-established ‘energy security cultures’ in the European Union? In order to conduct the analysis concerned with the existence or non-existence of ‘energy security cultures’ in the European Union, the following indices have been adopted: (1) the index of the energy intensity of the economy, (2) the index of energy dependence, (3) the Stirling index, (4) the index of network losses and (5) the index of renewable energy use. It is considered that the selected indices constitute a definiens of the adopted term of an ‘energy security culture.’ To verify the assumptions made in the analysis, use was made of one agglomerative method (i.e. Ward’s method) and one method for optimising a given cluster of objects (the k-means method).