Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne, 2012, nr 3

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    Dwie dekady stosunków Polski z Litwą – wymiar polityczny
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe WNPiD UAM w Poznaniu, 2012) Modzelewski, Wojciech Tomasz
    Lithuania was among the first republics of the disintegrating Soviet Union to an nounce its declaration of independence, and in September 1991 established diplomatic relations with Poland. In January 1992, both countries signed a joint declaration, and in April 1994 they signed the Treaty on friendly relations and good neighborly cooperation. Over the next 10 years, ways of achieving foreign policy objectives shared by both countries were sought and eventually worked out. Mutual support in pursuit of becoming a member of NATO and of the European Union was visible, which eventually turned into profound relations that were referred to as a strategic partnership. A network of cooperation was formed. It included deep political contacts at all levels and the paying of first foreign visits after being sworn in, which on the Polish side was initiated in 1996 by President A. Kwaœniewski, has become a symbol. Both countries have undertaken joint initiatives to improve energy security and military cooperation, and conduct cross-border and interregional cooperation. The end of the second decade of the two countries’ relations showed, however, that unresolved problems, mainly related to the status of the Polish minority in Lithuania, have been increasingly influencing the policy of steadily building good neighborly relations between Warsaw and Vilnius.
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    Научные исследования теории и практики государственной семейной политики в Украине
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe WNPiD UAM w Poznaniu, 2012) ДЕРЕГА, Вера
    Funkcjonowanie rodziny w warunkach transformacji współczesnych stosunków społecznych wymaga badań naukowych, metodologiczno-teoretycznego przestudiowania strategii państwowej w tej sferze oraz przewidzenia jej skutków. Polityka rodzinna państwa stanowi ważny element w badaniach ukraińskich naukowców, którzy zajmują się szeroką gamą problemów związanych ze społecznym rozwojem instytucji rodziny. W niniejszym artykule Autorka analizuje aktualne badania i publikacje dotyczące m.in.: rozwoju społecznego instytucji rodziny na Ukrainie; charakteru i treści polityki rodzinnej państwa ; tworzenia polityki rodzinnej dla młodzieży ; edukacji domowej; problemów bytowych sierot i dzieci pozbawionych opieki rodzicielskiej; doświadczeń w zakresie polityki rodzinnej innych państw etc.
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    Role mass media in economical crisis. Case of Uzbekistan
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe WNPiD UAM w Poznaniu, 2012) Genjemuratov, Yakipbek
    Lokalne i globalne media przeżywają aktualnie gwałtowny rozwój, będący skutkiem postępu technicznego. Nie można dziś rozróżniać pomiędzy mediami europejskimi, dziennikarstwem zachodnim, mediami Azji czy dziennikarstwem Afryki. Jak powiedział D. Rendall są dwa rodzaje dziennikarstwa: dobry i zły (1996). Wszystkie mass media stoją wobec globalnego rozwoju. Wskutek rozpoczętej z końcem dwudziestego wieku globalizacji zwiększyły się możliwości przekazywania informacji we wszystkich dziedzinach nauki i kultury, wraz z dziennikarstwem. Pojawienie się internetu, jako jednego z rodzajów mass mediów, zmieniło ich świat. Internet nie wymaga ponoszenia kolosalnych kosztów założycielskich czy dystrybucyjnych. Ze względu na potencjał techniczny internetu inne mass media stoją dziś w obliczu kryzysu. Ostatnio pojawiły się doniesienia o zmniejszaniu nakładów gazet. Warto odnotować, że kryzys dziennikarstwa nie jest wynikiem globalnego kryzysu gospodarczego, ale skutkiem pojawienia się nowych mass mediów. Kryzys gospodarczy rozpoczął się w Stanach Zjednoczonych by objąć cały świat. Globalna gospodarka obawia się teraz jego drugiej fali, płynącej z Europy, chociaż eksperci mają nadzieję, że będzie łagodniejsza niż kryzys amerykański. Skąd wziął się światowy kryzys i jak można mu zapobiec w Uzbekistanie?
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    Węgry w latach 1990-2011. Polityczne, ekonomiczne i społeczne przyczyny kryzysu
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe WNPiD UAM w Poznaniu, 2012) Pająk-Patkowska, Beata; Patkowski, Krzysztof
    The paper attempts to answer the question of why Hungary, a country that many Western politicians praised as an exemplary model of transformation until recently, has become a European outsider, a country whose economic situation is barely better than that of Greece going bankrupt. Both political and socio-economic reasons for the crisis are indicated. The former concern the long years of living beyond their means and the cowardice of the politicians, afraid to tell their fellow citizens that sacrifices are necessary. The economic sources of the crisis concern the procrastination and non-completion of reforms that could have made Hungary a more competi tive economy. The third group of factors that contributed to the crisis was related to the condition of Hungarian society, a society that in the mid-nineteen-nineties en tered another period described as bús Magyarország , a Hungarian version of Russian smuta (trouble). A period of an upset system of values, sadness, helplessness, a sense of defeat and humiliation have led to mental and moral collapse. All this may result in Hungary’s recovery from the crisis being a very difficult and prolonged process.
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    State Policy towards European Integration: Theoretical Analysis
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe WNPiD UAM w Poznaniu, 2012) Palagnyuk, Yuliana
    Pojęcie „państwowa polityka wobec integracji europejskiej” obejmuje dwie części składowe, a mianowicie pojęcie „polityka państwowa” (lub „polityka publiczna”) oraz „integracja europejska”. W oparciu o analizę obu tych pojęć w artykule zaproponowano interpretację koncepcji „państwowej polityki wobec integracji europejskiej”, będącej strategicznym działaniem zmierzającym w kierunku obejmującej różne sfery integracji europejskiej w ramach procesu unifikacji Europy, formułowanym, realizowanym i ocenianym przez władze państwowe i opinię publiczną.
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    Relacjonowanie wyborów samorządowych w prasie regionalnej w 2010 roku. Komunikat z badań
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe WNPiD UAM w Poznaniu, 2012) Biskup, Bartłomiej; Churska-Nowak, Karolina; Drobczyński, Sebastian; Hess, Agnieszka; Kolczyński, Mariusz; Mazur, Marek; Piontek, Dorota; Ossowski, Szymon
    The paper presents the methodology and partial results of an empirical study on the professionalization and mediatization of the local government election campaign from the perspective of its coverage by the regional press. The study was conducted by a research team from four academic centers in Poland, under a research project entitled The elections to local governments in regional media. Regional dailies and television election programs as platforms of political communication. One of the aims of the project was to analyze how election campaigns were covered by local press at the time of the local government election campaign in Poland in 2010. Quantitative and qualitative methods of analysis were applied to the content of press releases concerning the elections collected over the last two weeks of the election campaign, prior to the elections of 21st November 2010, in the regional issues of the printed versions of “Gazeta Wyborcza” and regional variations of the “Polska The Times”, published in four regional capitals – Katowice, Kraków, Poznañ and Warsaw. In the case of newspapers, an examined entity was a press release on the elections.
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    Rosja w poszukiwaniu modelu reżimu politycznego – „poliarchia zachodnia” czy „azjatycka demokracja”
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe WNPiD UAM w Poznaniu, 2012) Potulski, Jakub
    One of the fields of interest of modern political science involves the process of transformation of political systems, understood as the transition from nondemocratic to democratic systems. One of the countries undergoing such a political transformation is the Russian Federation, which in the nineteen-nineties faced the need to reject the model of the socio-political system of the Soviet Union, and to adjust to the emerging global civilization dominated by the models originating in West European countries. The paper emphasizes that, on account of the difficulties related to the process of political transformation, at the beginning of the new millennium West European models began to be supplanted by the models of Asian countries enjoying impressive economic growth while maintaining paternalist and authoritarian mechanisms of power. The author of the paper stresses that the political system of the modern Russian Federation is a particular mix of European and Asian models. Its functioning does not resemble the political regimes of polyarchy as much as those described as ‘Asian democracies’. The author indicates that given the present developmental stage of the Russian Federation, this models appears to be more practical and adequate in the political and cultural reality of modern Russia.
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    Cold War and establishment of Turkish democracy
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe WNPiD UAM w Poznaniu, 2012) Ónen, Nizam; Guney, Atilla
    Narastająca po drugiej wojnie światowej rywalizacja o hegemonię pomiędzy USA i ZSRR przekształciła się ostatecznie w zimną wojnę, która odcisnê³a siê na s¹siaduj¹c¹ z ZSRR Turcj¹. Wraz z przejœciem Turcji od systemu jednopartyjnego do wielopartyjnego w pañstwie powia³ wiatr nadziei na falê demokratyzacji, wkrótce okazało się jednak, że celem była realizacja owej demokracji pod określonymi warunkami i przy ograniczeniach narzuconych przez zimną wojnę. W centrum tych ograniczeń leżała wyjątkowo wyostrzona wrażliwość i retoryka antykomunistyczna. Celem tego opracowania, przedstawiającego przykłady z lat 1946–1950, odpowiadających ósmej kadencji Wielkiego Zgromadzenia Narodowego Turcji, jest przedstawienie skutków wrażliwości antykomunistycznej w Zgromadzeniu w okresie przejścia do wielopartyjnego systemu politycznego, zgody na antykomunistyczne reakcje, wprowadzonej przez maccartyzm prawdopodobnie wcześniej w Turcji niż w USA.
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    Porządek konstytucyjny a etnokratyzm elit politycznych w Karaczajo-Czerkiesji
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe WNPiD UAM w Poznaniu, 2012) Bodio, Tadeusz
    One of the main causes of the anarchy in the political life of Karachay-Cherkessia is the lack of a genuine compromise between the ethnic communities concerning the questions of the political system of the republic. An attempt to develop such a compromise took place in June 1996 and ended by reaching a specific ‘constitutional pact.’ However, this compromise did not start a consolidation process among the elites on the basis of the constitution. On the contrary, it turned out to be short-lived and even expanded the field of conflicts. The republic was on the brink of civil war as early as in 1999. In the following decade, a state of permanent tensions continued. It resulted with alternating crises of power and an attempt to take over the parliament and government buildings by national minorities with the use of force. The author of this article tries to explain the causes of the political instability in Karachay-Cherkessia. He mainly focuses on the study of the constitutional fundaments of the legal and political order and its confrontation with the reality of political life in the republic. Out of this confrontation there emerges a ‘loop transformation’ syndrome, which poses a threat to the security and territorial integrity of Karachay-Cherkessia.
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    Legitymacja czy legitymizacja władzy. Doświadczenia państw Europy Środkowej
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe WNPiD UAM w Poznaniu, 2012) Żyromski, Marek
    The paper discusses the issue of the legitimacy of power as one of the key factors to ensure the stability of government and the entire socio-political system of state. The starting point for the analysis is provided by the “neofunctional elitist paradigm”(as named by its creator) that has been developed for over thirty years by John Higley and his collaborators. According to this paradigm, an opportunity for efficient communication between the government elite and the most important opposition elite is one of the methods for creating a “consolidated democracy”, which, in the opinion of the authors of the paradigm, is the most desirable model of modern system of representative democracy. Further on in the paper, the history of the main issues related to the legitimacy and legitimization of power are presented using selected examples, primarily with reference to the main theoretical concepts of power and its legitimacy. The main part of the analysis concerns Poland and selected countries in this region, and the issue of whether it is justified to classify them as consolidated democracies. The author reminds of J. Higley’s opinion that Poland and Hungary witnessed negotiations between the representatives of the former, socialist elite and members of the opposition at the beginning of the process of political transformation. Owing to that, “consensual elites” emerged in both countries. The author also notes that the process of transformation in this part of Europe (and in particular in Poland) is, in a way, ‘traditionally’ assessed much more positively by political scientists and sociologists from the West than by the academics (let alone journalists and politicians) in Poland. This favorable assessment is exemplified by their including Poland in a group of a few countries with a “consolidated democracy”.
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    Problem rejestracji kościołów i związków wyznaniowych w polskim systemie prawnym
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe WNPiD UAM w Poznaniu, 2012) Sobczak, Jacek; Gołda - Sobczak, Maria
    Once Poland regained independence after WWI, it retained the validity of legal provisions from the period of the partitions, which resulted in incongruous administrative systems. The principle of citizens’ obligatory membership of any of the recognized religious associations was also tacitly acknowledged. The law of interwar Poland distinguished between recognized religious associations, enjoying the status of legal entities acknowledged by the State, whose relations to the State, as well as organizational status, were stipulated by law, and unrecognized religious associations, enjoying the right to freely practice faith and rituals. At that time there was also an attempt to regulate legal relations between the State and the Evangelical Union Churches, the Evangelical Augsburg and Helvetian Church with superindenture in Stanis³awów, the Vilnius Evangelical Reformed Church (Vilnius Unity), and the Evangelical Reformed Church with the Consistory in Warsaw. However, for numerous reasons, no normative acts were passed. The fact that in the interwar period there were no laws to constitutionally regulate the legal relations of churches and religious associations recognized by the former partitioning states, hindered the proces of unifying of religious law in the Second Republic of Poland. This was further influenced by administrative practices and the antagonistic attitude of the Catholic Church to religious minorities. For their own purposes, administrative authorities divided the existing churches and religious associations, distinguishing religious associations recognized by law, unrecognized religious associations operating by virtue of the laws of former partitioning states, and religious associations not recognized by law, but tolerated by virtue of Articles 111 and 112 of the March Constitution. After WWII ended, three churches were recognized by virtue of an administrative decision, and state authorities decided to change the procedure for legal regulation of newly emerging churches and religious associations in a way different from that provided by the legislature of the Second Republic. The aim of these changes was to simplify the procedures related to the establishment of new churches and religious associations. The Decree on Associations attempted to encompass churches and religious associations. The matter was later resolved by the Decree of 5 August 1949 on the protection of free conscience and religion. Later on matters were handled by the Office for Religious Denominations. Since 1989 the register of churches and religious associations has been conducted by the Minister of Internal Affairs and Administration.
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    Unia Europejska – rozpad czy powrót do równowagi makroekonomicznej i finansowej? Rozważania na temat kryzysu w strefie euro z perspektywy europejskiej i światowej
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe WNPiD UAM w Poznaniu, 2012) Walkowski, Maciej
    In 2009 the European Union, and in particular the euro zone, slid into a stage of economic recession on account of the spreading global financial crisis, referred to as‘2008+.’ Considerable developmental problems are being experienced by the group of countries referred to as PIIGS, particularly by Greece, Spain and Italy, which account for nearly 30% of GDP of the euro zone. Due to the tight developmental interdependencies in the European common market, decreased confidence of global investors, and the consequent potentially lowered profitability of bonds of other Mediterranean economies, the bankruptcy of Greece could cause a domino effect. This could mean serious developmental problems for other indebted Mediterranean economies, such as Italy, Spain and Portugal. It could also drag Germany and France(or their banks, that granted tens of billions of euros in loans to Greece) into financial difficulties, and consequently pose a threat to integration processes throughout Europe. The author of the paper analyzes both the causes and effects of the present financial crisis in the euro zone and presents various scenarios for further developments. He also diagnoses the correctional activities undertaken by selected European governments, the EU and international institutions, their first outcomes, the controversies stirred by the opinions of global rating agencies, and the further developmental prospects for the European Union by 2020.
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    Współczesny kryzys społeczno-polityczny na Ukrainie jako przykład cykliczności (chroniczności?) procesów politycznych
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe WNPiD UAM w Poznaniu, 2012) Donaj, Łukasz
    The objective of scientific forecasting is to present the most probable course of an analyzed phenomenon, taking into account the direction and dynamics of its development. In the course of making forecasts one endeavors to determine the conditions providing for the evolution of this phenomenon. Twenty-something years of an independent Ukraine is decidedly too short a period to facilitate responsible hypothesizing on the development of internal and external situation of this country, but some suppositions are justified. On account of the limitations of this paper the author analyzes only selected events from the recent history of Ukraine. The analysis does not answer the question of whether the recurring crises in Ukraine result primarily from phenomena that cyclically occur in a democracy (i.e. elections), and are simply inherent in it or not. Alternatively, when the chronic nature of a crisis (not: crises) is assumed, it may be concluded that as Ukraine emerges ‘unscathed’ from each stage of the crisis it evolves towards a new, more advanced phase, in consistence with Kondratiev’s theories of economic and political cycles.
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    Media jako forma przedstawień zbiorowych polityki i jej teoriopoznawcze uwarunkowania
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe WNPiD UAM w Poznaniu, 2012) Kowalczyk, Ryszard
    The paper touches upon the issue of media behavior in the market of public communication and the epistemological determinants of the process of media imaging of political reality. Consequently, it becomes feasible to distinguish two types of messages: one focused on information and the other concentrated on overt or covert persuasion. Thus, the author emphasizes the ritual function of the media, which meets the needs of average recipients as well as those of commercialized media. Therefore a certain interaction ritual of the media that takes place between them and their audience points to the media as entities dynamically responding to changing circumstances and aware of their own potential to create reality.
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    Węgry w latach 1990–2011. Polityczne, ekonomiczne i społeczne przyczyny kryzysu
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe WNPiD UAM w Poznaniu, 2012) Pająk - Patkowska, Beata; Patkowski, Krzysztof
    The paper attempts to answer the question of why Hungary, a country that many Western politicians praised as an exemplary model of transformation until recently, has become a European outsider, a country whose economic situation is barely better than that of Greece going bankrupt. Both political and socio-economic reasons for the crisis are indicated. The former concern the long years of living beyond their means and the cowardice of the politicians, afraid to tell their fellow citizens that sacrifices are necessary. The economic sources of the crisis concern the procrastination and non-completion of reforms that could have made Hungary a more competitive economy. The third group of factors that contributed to the crisis was related to the condition of Hungarian society, a society that in the mid-nineteen-nineties entered another period described as bús Magyarország, a Hungarian version of Russian smuta (trouble). A period of an upset system of values, sadness, helplessness, a sense of defeat and humiliation have led to mental and moral collapse. All this may result in Hungary’s recovery from the crisis being a very difficult and prolonged process.
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Biblioteka Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Ministerstwo Nauki i Szkolnictwa Wyższego