Przegląd Strategiczny, 2020, nr 13


Recent Submissions

Now showing 1 - 20 of 30
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    “The Terrorist Bomb is Still Ticking” – Even in the Shadow of COVID-19
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2020) Wojciechowski, Sebastian
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    “Active Measures” of the USSR Against the USA: Old Soviet Games in the New Geopolitical Reality
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2020) Dubov, Dmytro; Barovska, Anastasiia; Koretska, Iryna
    The growth and dissemination of Russia’s propaganda have become a serious threat in recent years. But these efforts of Russia are not new, they have a basis in the past – known as “active measures.” Therefore, the problem of detecting and counteracting these “active measures,” first and foremost, is that there is no commonly accepted definition of the term. Therefore, the authors addressed the specific problem of the definition of “active measures.” The authors found that all “active measures” were subordinated to a single political strategic idea, and this idea was carried out by various methods. The authors are convinced that any classification of current “active measures” should be based on the methods detected. In order to identify these methods, the scheme of “active measures,” suggested by S. K. Whittle, is used. At the same time, his scheme has been supplemented, and the relevant cases for the application of different methods of “active measures” are given. An attempt is made to compare the methods of applying “active measures” with current aspects of the hybrid war of the Russian Federation, in particular in Ukraine.
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    Born in the Ashes: Nuclear Uncertainties ‘Increasing’ Strategic Stability
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2020) Sinovets, Polina; Melnyk, Tetiana
    The article explores the challenges that strategic stability is facing under the new nuclear world order. These are conceptual deviations from Cold War-framed deterrence theory, technological breakthroughs and critical transformations of states’ nuclear postures. Contrary to the existing publications on this issue, we claim that strategic stability will continue under the new nuclear order and might even be strengthened by the complex combination of security challenges, given the growing impossibility to de-escalate war once it breaks out.
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    EU-Africa Relations: Towards a New Comprehensive Strategy With Africa. Between a Rock and a Hard Place
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2020) Forysiński, Wojciech; Emmanuel, Achiri
    The European Union has a long history of relations with Africa and Africa has always been a strategic partner for the European Union. Today, however, the European Union’s relations with Africa are at a crossroads and the partnership needs to undergo a profound and rapid change. In order to properly investigate this research problem and to address its research questions concerning the future of the EU-Africa partnership, it is demonstrated that the time has come for change and redefinition of the partnership. Therefore, the overall aim of the article is to provide an insight into the EU’s new partnership with Africa, to explore its complex, fragmented nature and scope, actors, legal bases, constitutive elements and different ways both sides are going to present the new agreement to their respective constituencies. The way this research is pursued combines a number of methods. It involves textual analysis of primary sources – the instruments regulating the EU’s relations with Africa, secondary sources, documentary analysis as well as comparative, contextual and historical analysis. The complexities facing the EU and its African partners encourage curiosity and reflection about the new partnership. The article strongly emphasizes that the EU-Africa partnership does not stand still. It is a process of ever closer partnership. It has evolved from a relatively limited scale into a comprehensive system of normative instruments and institutions. And it has bifurcated into EU-ACP and EU-AU partnerships and today both partnerships are being re-negotiated. The likelihood of the negotiations being completed successfully, optimistically, by the end of 2020, remains open. It is our overall conclusion and prediction that the EU-Africa partnership will be enhanced and move a step closer to an integrated, comprehensive partnership, an effective framework for EU-AU relations.
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    Turkey-US Relations in the Context of the Syrian Conflict: from Cooperation to Confrontation
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2020) Akyeşilmen, Nezir; Tinker, Vanessa; Ishmeal, Mohammed
    Turkey and the United States of America have been strategic partners for over seven decades. Nevertheless, their relationship has not always been a smooth one, and the two countries have encountered temporary bilateral crises from time to time. In spite of the challenges, over the years, the NATO allies – the United States and Turkey have continued to reaffirm their commitment to cooperate with each other as “strategic partners.” However, the ensuing Syrian crisis has brought the relationship between the allies to an all-time historic low. This study examines Turkey-US relations in the context of the ongoing Syrian conflict using a conflict analysis framework. With this framework, we analyze the historical background, identify the root causes of the crisis and conduct an actor analysis. Based on our findings, we provide policy recommendations to de-escalate and transform the current crisis in US-Turkey relations in order to both restore their mutual trust and find new ways to cooperate as strategic partners.
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    Russia’s Exogenous Factor in the Donbass Conflict
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2020) Ryabinin, Yevgeny
    The hypothesis of this research is that Russia has been imposing its influence on Ukraine since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Before the political and military crisis in 2013, it was an indirect influence, whereas since 2014 it has been a direct impact in many spheres. It is necessary to underline that Ukraine has always been split into two parts in terms of foreign policy priorities, language, religion, and culture. This fact was mentioned by Samuel Huntington, who predicted an intense crisis in bilateral relations between Russia and Ukraine in his work Clash of Civilizations. There were two parties in Ukraine that were widely supported in South-Eastern Ukraine, namely the Party of Regions and the Communist Party. The former never spoke about the integration of Ukraine as part of Russian integrational projects because its politicians were afraid of aggressive Russian capital. So they only used pro-Russian rhetoric to win elections. The Communist Party openly backed integration with Russia, but didn’t get enough support as for this idea. It is also demonstrated that there were no parties that were backed financially by Russia, because the parties that offered a kind of a union with Russia never got any seats in the parliament. Since 2014, Russia has been imposing its influence on Ukraine in various spheres, such as economics, politics, diplomacy, the military sphere, etc. Having signed two cease-fire agreements, Russia and Ukraine have failed to apply them and the crisis continues to this day.
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    The Role of Germany in the Transnistria Conflict
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2020) Koszel, Bogdan
    The author indicates in the article that the conflict over Transnistria was not int the field of German close interests. The main task of the German government was to maintain good relations with Russia and to grant it the role of the main mediator in the dispute between Moldova and rebellious Transnistria. On the other hand, Germany, as an EU member, sought to stabilize the region and to bring about democratic and pro-European changes in Moldova. Berlin supported negotiations between the conflicted parties within the OSCE framework albeit aware that they were a sham and would not contribute to the resolution of the conflict. Both the people of Transnistria and Moldova are committed to maintaining the status quo. The absence of physical violence and minor economic and legal tensions have encouraged Western Europe to remain indifferent to Transnistria’s problems. In the article the author used the following research methods: historical, descriptive, source analysis and decision making method.
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    The Role of the Polish Military Contingent in the Reconstruction of Ghazni Province
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2020) Sabawoon, Mirza
    The article outlines the activity of the Polish army as part of NATO operations in Afghanistan. The analysis concerns humanitarian aid in particular, and identifies the most important activities of the PRT (Provincial Reconstruction Team) carried out in the field of reconstruction and security in the city of Ghazni from 2001. The PMC (Polish Military Contingent) worked for the stability of the city, starting in mid-2008. The author concludes that the objectives pursued by the PMC related to the reconstruction of the city of Ghazni increased the level of security of the local community and the overall stability in the region. The methods used in the article (comparative, research, systemic and genetic explanation method) make it possible to examine and present the processes and changes taking place.
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    Inevitable War, US Decline or Business as Usual? Narratives on China’s Ascension to Power Among American Academia
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2020) Paszak, Paweł
    This article aims to analyse prevalent narratives on China’s rise among American academia. The attribution of a scholar to a given narrative depends on how their ideas and arguments resonate with three pivotal questions: 1) what is the current balance of power between the US and China?; 2) which variables and determinants have the greatest impact on the trajectory of Sino-American relations?; 3) what are the prospects of China’s rise?. The author identifies three core narratives: 1) pessimistic which acknowledges deteriorating position of the West and an-ticipation of a conflictual character of future relations between China and the US; 2) a balanced view that recognizes a relative decline of the US, but also assumes that China’s re-emergence has apparent limitations. Potential hegemonic war is both probable and avoidable either through deeper engagement or different forms of balancing; 3) an optimistic narrative which stresses internal and external barriers to China’s development that preclude its potential rise to global leadership or the preponderance of American power which is likely to endure in coming dec-ades. The Author adopts constructivist approach and employs methods of critical discourse analysis and categorization.
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    Baltic-Black Sea Region as a Resilient Region: Political and Security Aspects
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2020) Gladysh, Marianna; Krayevska, Oksana; Holovko-Havrysheva, Oksana
    The conceptual bases of resilience in modern political science are analyzed, including the key conceptual approaches that are used in academic studies for understanding the policy of resilience, characterizing the reaction of subjects to stress or threat of any kind and origin. The concept of resilience is applied to analyze the cooperation among the Baltic-Black Sea countries as a regional interaction model which should be formed in order to reduce or avoid security crises. The Baltic-Black Sea countries have developed and formed strong ties in different dimen¬sions among one another, opening an opportunity for intellectual adventures in the area of the conceptualization of their interaction modes under the regional cooperation frameworks. Based upon the analyzed doctrinal views and available documentary backgrounds on resilience in the UN and the EU, the possible visions and scenarios for the creation of the Baltic-Black Sea region as a resilient one are given. The existing and potential obstacles to cooperation in the region are highlighted. The main threats and challenges for the Baltic-Black Sea region at present are investigated.
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    Saudi Arabia as a Regional Power and an Absolute Monarchy Undergoing Reforms. Vision 2030 – the Perspective of the End of The Second Decade of the 21st Century
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2020) Czornik, Katarzyna
    The research objective of this paper is an analysis of the determining factors which allow Saudi Arabia at the end of the second decade of the 21st century to hold the position of a regional power and to maintain it at least in the medium-term perspective. This paper also aims at an analysis of the potential effectiveness of the reforms which have been implemented by the authorities in Riyadh in order to build a new, modified image of the feudal monarchy – Saudi Arabia as an enlightened (but permanently absolute) monarchy undergoing reforms. The hypothesis formed in this paper is as follows: Saudi Arabia at the end of the second decade of the 21st century is a regional power and an absolute monarchy undergoing reforms, which intends to build a new, positive and friendly image of the kingdom by way of reforms introduced in the economic, political and social spheres. The reforms, however, actually take place only at the economic level, which results from the fact that they do not undermine the foundations of the sharia law and the doctrine of Wahhabism. In the political and social spheres the reforms are just a façade. The methods used in this paper include: content analysis, systemic analysis and comparative method. The findings: the hypothesis posed above has been verified positively. Saudi Arabia at the end of the second decade of the 21st century is a regional power and an absolute monarchy undergoing reforms, which intends to build a new, positive and friendly image of the kingdom in the international community through introduction of reforms. The reforms undertaken within the framework of the Vision 2030 initiative are revolutionary, but actually they take place only in the economic sphere. However, in the political and social spheres – especially as regards granting further privileges and rights to Saudi women – although they are extremely important and even of breakthrough character and the very fact of their existence should be recognised, in reality they are only a façade and their implementation meets resistance not only from a part of political elites and radical clergy but also from the society itself, which is not mentally prepared for such changes.
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    Political Regime Type and Regional Cooperation – a Case Study of Arab States
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2020) Grabowski, Wojciech
    The purpose of the article is to show how the type of political system (authoritarian regime) influences the shape of regionalism in the Middle East and to what extent this political system determines the features of cooperation between Arab states. To this end, a hypothesis was put forward according to which the authoritarian political system is a key obstacle to the successful integration and unification of the Middle East. Middle Eastern regionalism serves to protect and legitimize the political power of authoritarian leaders, whereas in Europe it guides to peace, stabilization and development. Authoritarian regionalism tends to reduce democratic ambitions and maintain the authoritarian status quo. In order to verify the hypothesis, the following research questions were posed. First, how is the type of political system related to successful integration? Second, can autocracies work effectively together? To verify the hypothesis and answer the research questions, the author referred to the theories of realism, constructivism, neo-functionalism and the typology of political systems to show that there is no single theory that could fully explain the processes in international relations. The conclusion of this article is that regional organizations created by authoritarian states are only symbolic and instrumental in nature and are oriented towards internal policy (the survival of the regime) rather than regional cooperation.
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    The ASEAN’s Attitude to the South China Sea Dispute after the Verdict of the Permanent Court of Arbitration in the Hague
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2020) Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
    The South China Sea is the most inflammable area in the region of Southeast Asia due to its natural resources, commercial and political importance. The ASEAN countries directly involved in the dispute have conflicting interests, mainly related to their relationship with China, a pretender for the whole area. Therefore, attemps to settle the dispute are not successful. On July 12, 2016, the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague issued a verdict taking into account the Law of the Sea, in which it accepted the Philippines’s arguments and rejected China’s claims based on historical arguments against the islands in the South China Sea. China did not take part in the trial and found its sentences non-binding but at the same time it has entered into a dialogue with ASEAN on the code of conduct (COC) in the South China Sea. The purpose of the article is to discuss how the parties are involved in the conflict, progress towards signing the Code of Conduct for the Parties in the South China Sea and the attitude of ASEAN countries to this conflict. Due to the degree of dependence of economies on Chinese influence, and relations with other powers, mainly the US, the behavior of individual countries is different. Hence the problem with the organization’s cohesion and attempts to break the deadlock, which have been unsuccessful so far. The basic research hypothesis that will be verified is to maintain the status quo in the South China Sea in the long run. At the same time, it was noted that Vietnam is prepared for long-term actions, based on diplomatic tools combined with a tough attitude, to solve problems related to the sovereignty of disputed areas. ASEAN will have to face up with the issues more consistently, by making greater use of quiet diplomacy. The theoretical basis of the article is Hurrell’s theory of neorealism, which analyzes, among other things, the principles and objectives of regional organizations in the international environment. Hurrell assumes that all regional organizations cannot be understood differently from their regional balance of power and regional dominant forces policy and ASEAN’s attitude proves this point of view.
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    The British-Irish Border in the Context of Brexit
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2020) Balawajder, Grzegorz
    The subject of the paper is reflections on the consequences of Brexit for the functioning of the border between Ireland and Northern Ireland. The author explains what this border means when the United Kingdom is no longer a member of the European Union, and thus the border may be a barrier to the free movement of people, goods, capital and services. At the same time, it is stressed that the exit of the United Kingdom from the European Union will have a significant impact on the change of the function of this border, which from then on is no longer an internal border of the Union. The aim of the paper is therefore to analyse the consequences of this change, with a simultaneous indication of different models of the UK’s functioning with relation to the European Union and their impact on the British-Irish relations, especially with regard to the various dimensions of the border as a barrier. The article presents various scenarios of solutions that will determine their mutual relations as a result of negotiations between the European Union and Great Britain, especially with regard to access to the single European market, which in turn will be influenced by the border between Ireland and Northern Ireland in the scope of the free movement of people, goods, capital and services. The author used the system analysis method and the comparative method. The author puts forward the thesis that if the negotiations cause a fairly strong loosening of relations between the UK and the European Union, to mitigate the consequences of such a situation for the Irish-British relations, it will be necessary to find and develop bilateral solutions that will facilitate border crossing. The Smart Border 2.0 concept can constitute such a solution.
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    Decentralization vs Centralization: Scenarios of Regional Development of Ukraine in the Context of Internal Stability Establishment
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2020) Uzun, Yuliia; Koch, Svetlana
    The work aims to analyze scenarios for the development of regional policy in Ukraine in conditions of decentralization and centralization trends confrontation in the country. The main problem is the establishment of structural completeness of the decentralization reform in Ukraine, which should involve the implementation of administrative-territorial, budgetary and political decentralization. An important task is also to determine the effectiveness of devolution, delegation, deconcentration, deregulation, and divestment, which are manifestations of the decentralization process and collectively determine the quality of reform. Based on the methodology of system analysis and the concept of “balance of relations,” as well as using a historical and comparative method in investigating the improvement of approaches to leading public policy, and a structural-functional method for analysis of territorial-political system as a decentralized and multi-level, the paper proposes an analysis of the balance of inter-level relations in the country, the effectiveness of reforms, decentralization and trends for further development. The work indicates that since 2014, administrative and territorial optimization and enlargement of communities have become the main result of the decentralization reform. The discussion of political decentralization remains extremely disturbing and is blocked as “separatism,” as well as attempts to resolve the conflict in the Donbas by political means through the adoption of the Steinmeier Formula are demurred as “capitulation.” The economic crisis, which coincided with the pandemic, can aggravate the negative perception of reform, the development of which remains possible within the framework of three development scenarios: “Euro-optimistic,” “inertial” and “blocking.”
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    Institutional Mechanism to Ensure National Security in the Information Space of the United States, the United Kingdom and the Russian Federation
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2020) Bondarenko, Sergii; Nagornyak, Tetyana; Polovyi, Mykola
    The paper is devoted to an analysis of the institutional mechanisms that ensure national security in the information space of several leading countries – the United States, the United Kingdom and the Russian Federation. It is stated that institutional mechanisms that ensure national security in the information space of the leading countries all have a similar structure. The main components of these mechanisms involve public authorities (state leaders – president or prime minister, government, ministries, and agencies), local government bodies, civil society institutions, the academic community, business community, and the media. The gradual expansion of the system of institutions that ensure national security in the information space and increase in their powers occurs in all these states. The analysis also demonstrates the paradigm shifts in the development and implementation of US and UK information policy in the context of modern nonlinear processes. Paradigmatic shifts are currently being reoriented towards the interests and needs of target audiences, diversification of channels and mechanisms of the distribution of meaning (strategic narratives) in the information space, from vertical to horizontal interaction with internal and external audiences. Emphases are shifting to the involvement of a wide range of institutions and other stakeholders in the implementation of information policy and delegation of powers from the center to the periphery, while preserving the main parameters of the policy established by state structures.
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    Scenarios for the Development of the Migration Problem in Russia
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2020) Stepanov, Sergey; Ivanova, Ekaterina
    The article is devoted to the impact of migration processes on public opinion and possible solutions to the migration problem in modern Russia. An analysis and comparison of the results of sociological surveys conducted by various sociological agencies over the past five years has made it possible to identify the most vulnerable points in interethnic relations. Speaking about the future prospects of Russian migration policy, the authors offer scenarios for the development of the migration problem in Russia. To study the experience of the organization, as well as to determine the specific features of the functioning of the migration process, comparative methods are used to identify the main ways of regulating the migration policy in Russia and to compare this practice with international experience. The generalization method is also used, allowing the authors to identify common properties and characteristics of the objects of study by moving from a particular or less general concept and judgment to a more general concept or judgment within the framework of this study. The methods of induction and deduction are widely used in academic research. Thanks to these methods, researchers have the opportunity to examine certain processes in detail, build logical relationships and sequences, and identify patterns. The use of induction made it possible to derive general propositions from a series of particular statements and isolated facts based on data from past experience.
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    Political Identity as a Security Factor of Ukrainian Statehood
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2020) Prymush, Mykola; Lavrynenko, Hanna
    In the article, the authors analyze the formation of the political identity of citizens of Ukraine as a security factor of Ukrainian statehood. It is noted that, in addition to political identity, there are many other identities, that are presented in the form of a matrix, the components of which continuously interact with, complement and influence each other. In terms of methodology, the process of forming political identity is considered from the standpoint of symbolic interactionism, where the emphasis is placed on political interaction. In addition, in order to objectively assess the effectiveness of the formation of political identity and potential negative consequences in the form of a crisis of statehood, the mechanism for transforming a situational identity into a basic political identity is considered from the standpoint of post-structuralism. The study identifies and formulates criteria for constructing this basic type of political identity, the prerequisites for their formation and correlation with the actual political situation in Ukraine. The multitude of approaches to the study of the formation of political identity is complemented by the consideration of various models of its construction. Fragmental, elite and organic models are considered. Particular attention is paid to the leading role of the state in the process of forming political identity, where the key participants are political elites, the media and civil society. To determine how the perception of the degree of influence of each participant affects the process of political identity formation by the population of Ukraine at different periods of time, with its intermittent outbursts of social activity, the method of factor analysis is used. On the basis of the results of the analysis of the constructed triangular diagrams, two patterns are extracted. According to one, an increase in positive perception and integration into the process of socialization of models of the political identity formation proposed by the political elite is observed in society after each surge in mass protests that leads to a regime change. The other pattern is manifested in the revealed tendentiousness of the influence of the media and political elites on the security level of Ukrainian statehood and the growth of tension in society.
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    Selling Insecurity via Twitter: Ukrainian President’s Posts and Modern Political Discourse
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2020) Steblyna, Nataliia
    In modern political discourse, the topics of foreign aggression and insecurity are strongly influencing voter perceptions. In the unpredictable and polarizing environment of Twitter, references to crisis events may be used without justification. The character of tweeting during the peak phase of a crisis may differ, and it is possible to identify such differences analyzingthe tweets. To compare the pre-election period with the period of foreign aggression, and to study the manner of tweeting of a political leader, the Twitter account of the fifth Ukrainian president Petro Poroshenko was observed between November 2018 (Azov crisis) and July 2019 (early presidential election). A total of 2,519 tweets were content-analyzed (the character of references to Russian aggression, newsbreaks, intensity, language justification were studied). Tweeting during the Azov crisis was an everyday activity with a large number of tweets over a long period. Pre-election tweeting included commenting on specially created events (commemorations, celebrations) with a large number of mentions for short periods of time and constant online presence with a small number of tweets posted even without a special occasion. Approximately one out of three tweets was written without reference to any newsbreak. Among the most popular newsbreaks, traditional subjects dominated (meetings, signings of laws etc.). Thus, the term “aggression” was mainly exploited during specially created events after the crisis. Additionally, the stylistic features (authentic language, amateurism, unpredictability, breaking rules, incivility and impoliteness) that are widespread across social networks arenot typical of Poroshenko. A “polarization” of the political discourse, however, emerges. It is possible to observe it especially before the second round of elections, when the polls were predicting victory to Poroshenko’s opponent.
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    Ukrainian Historical Issues in Polish Media in the Context of a Hybrid War: Between Myths and Post-Truth
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2020) Danylenko, Serhiy; Nesteriak, Yuliia; Grynchuk, Maryna
    Ukrainian-Polish relations have been rather controversial in terms of historical policy lately, and it has a negative impact on interstate relations. On the one hand, in the foreign policy discourse Poland is considered to be one of the leading advocates of Ukraine in the collective West, along with Lithuania, and on the other hand problems of historical and humanitarian character permanently arise in bilateral relations, which form a negative background, become a subject to manipulation by third countries, and exacerbate relations both at the interpersonal and inter-institutional communication levels. The additional factor that complicates the understanding of historical policy issues is media of both countries, where the old and new myths, elements of post-truth and emotional subjective evaluations of the non-professional level penetrate beyond the historical corporate society. Populist politicians of the left and right ideological flanks try to take advantage of it, but it becomes an obstacle to political understanding, and complicates the investment development of a large subregion of the countries of Central, Southeastern Europe and the Baltic States. Historical policy has become a part of an information security, and some third countries, in our case it’s the Russian Federation, use this factor during the implementation of hybrid war tasks against Ukraine and the countries of the European Union. The article assumes that only the change of political rhetoric, the avoidance of populism regarding historical relations of two neighboring nations, the strengthening of corporate responsibility of national media in matters of historical policy’s coverage are able to neutralize the influence of radical political trends inside the countries, and outside - the influence of other states which are not interested in overcoming the tragic plume of history in Poland and Ukraine. Authors of the article do not aim to study or compare purely historical positions. This is about media tools and their role in the historical policy discourse.
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Biblioteka Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Ministerstwo Nauki i Szkolnictwa Wyższego