Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne, 2022, nr 2


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Now showing 1 - 8 of 8
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    Ograniczenie roli parlamentu w Rosji po objęciu władzy przez Władimira Putina
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2022) Kołodziejski, Konrad
    Niniejszy artykuł omawia reformy prawa wyborczego oraz prawa o partiach politycznych przeprowadzone w Rosji podczas pierwszych dwóch kadencji Władimira Putina (2000–2008). Reformy te miały kluczowe znaczenie dla ukształtowania obecnego systemu politycznego w Rosji, który jest oparty na państwowej reglamentacji działalności partii politycznych oraz instytucjonalizacji życia społecznego. Charakterystycznymi cechami tego systemu są dominacja partii władzy w systemie partyjnym i marginalizacja opozycji. Prowadzi to do ograniczenia mechanizmów społecznej kontroli władzy i utraty znaczenia przez parlament na rzecz władzy wykonawczej, a w szczególności prezydenta. Spełnianie roli politycznego zaplecza dla działań Kremla stało się głównym czynnikiem przesądzającym o dopuszczeniu partii do czynnego udziału w życiu politycznym kraju. Jedną z konsekwencji tego stanu rzeczy jest polityczna marginalizacja Dumy Państwowej, która zamiast być miejscem ścierania się odmiennych interesów społecznych, stała się „maszynką” do głosowania kolejnych projektów ustaw podsuwanych przez obóz rządzący. Wszystko to zostało zapewnione przy zachowaniu zewnętrznych atrybutów demokratycznego państwa, takich jak system wielopartyjny i wybory.
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    Economic Consequences of the Realisation of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2022) Soroka, Svitlana
    The article focuses on the features of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement and the economic consequences of its implementation for Ukraine. The impact on foreign trade, export–import component of trade with the EU, problems and prospects for introducing European standards in Ukraine are determined. The study hypothesises that the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement has worsened the already weak economic situation in Ukraine and led to a reorientation of Ukraine’s foreign trade with a simultaneous loss of markets to which Ukraine exported high value-added products and their replacement for EU markets where only raw materials are exported. It also led to a loss of more than a quarter of its own industrial production and the gradual transformation of Ukraine into a raw material appendage of Europe.
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    Theory, Methodology, and Background Information to the Four-Case Studies
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2022) Školkay, Andrej; Marincea, Adina
    This article presents a common introduction to the four case studies published in this volume. It explains some broader aspects of the methodology used in the four-country case studies and the underlying theory. It is based on the belief that research should be contextualised and founded on in-depth theoretical and empirical knowledge. This contribution explains the methodology used, the sample selection criteria, and the conceptualisation of the alternative media and justifies the focus of research and its importance, especially from a long-term perspective. Furthermore, the study puts the country case studies within a broader comparative international and political communication context, particularly social media. Moreover, there is an explanation of the importance and use of the “like” button on Facebook.
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    Viktor Orbán’s Missing Affinity Towards Alternative Media on Facebook
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2022) Rétfalvi, Györgyi
    The paper finds no liked pages by Viktor Orbán, then the Prime Minister of Hungary, on his Facebook page. Further content analysis is needed, which may help unravel the deeper connections with alternative news sites. This finding begs for alternative explanations. Was it due to a lack of interest or a need? The capture of most news media in Hungary may suggest that this might have been a plausible answer. Or was it due to a lack of time? We could identify a specific form of allocution when Orbán’s FB page became a central information source for news outlets. Be that as it may, this negative finding is important for the political communication theory on social media. Populist or right-wing leaders may not publicly indicate interest or affinity to any alternative media, especially when a few alternative media may oppose their policies. Moreover, a lack of interest in public liking of other sources or institutions close to a politician may indirectly suggest contempt for them – ultimately suggesting anti-plurality and authoritarian tendencies. Finally, although Hungary may be seen as a laboratory of alternative politics, this is certainly not true for using alternative or advanced approaches to communication on social media.
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    The Populist Leaders’ Affinity Towards Alternative Media on Facebook in Slovakia
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2022) Školkay, Andrej; Daniš, Igor
    This study explored the personal-ideological affiliation of selected populist leaders to alternative media based on their permanent “liking” on Facebook. It was found that the assumption that populist leaders “like” (both figuratively and literally) alternative media is incorrect. Boris Kollár, Speaker of the Parliament and one of the most active politicians on Facebook, did not use the button “like” at all, while Igor Matovič, then the Prime Minister of Slovakia, selected and “liked” some pages, but he preferred quality mainstream liberal news media. The electoral system’s specifics may help explain why populist politicians play a key role in their movements and why social media are so helpful for them in this process.
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    The Affinity of the Former Czech Prime Minister Andrej Babiš Towards Alternative Media on Facebook
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2022) Školkay, Andrej; Laczko, Martin; Havlíček, Pavel; Žúborová, Viera
    There was found just one preference for alternative or controversial sources that Babiš designated as permanently liked media sources on FB. Surprisingly, Babiš did not even “like” permanently any of those media that he purchased a few years earlier and put into the governance of a special foundation while acting like a politician. Babiš preferred quality economic business magazines and journals. He liked only one media source that could be considered alternative media – Internet TV XTV. However, not even this online TV can be seen as a traditional alternative/disinformation medium, but rather as a borderline case. Andrej Babiš on FB also liked pages of NGOs, cultural institutions, and some other rather unusual non-political activities.
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    The Law and Justice Leader and Prime Minister’s Affinity Towards the Alternative Media on Facebook in Poland
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2022) Winiarska-Brodowska, Małgorzata; Piontek, Dorota; Dzwończyk, Joanna; Jabłońska, Monika
    A clear differentiation between media sources and electorates within the legacy media ecosystem may help to explain the limited importance of the alternative media (focused on fake news and hoaxes) as relevant information sources. In a political and analytical discourse, the alternative media can be seen as an “alternative” to the dominant liberal media and discourse. Within this context, Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki and Deputy Prime Minister Jarosław Kaczyński were active in “liking” other profiles on their FB pages. Morawiecki liked some media, mostly TV and radio channels from his constituency region. His focus was more on the national identity and national interests in an economic sense. However, he also liked a press magazine that is a borderline case between ideologically heavily biased and disinformation scene in Poland.
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    Decay of Liberal Democracy in Europe
    (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa UAM, 2022) Niedźwiecki, Artur
    This article aims to present an evolution of the liberal model of world politics along with the potential consequences of this change at the level of the European integration project, taking into account the tools of the school of law and economics. The work elucidates basic elements of the idea of liberal democracy, both in internal (legal and economic system) and external dimensions (attitude to supranational organisations). The liberal order described in the text is confronted with critical statements delivered by creators of the concept of illiberal democracy, according to whom crisis of the paradigm of law and international economy can be currently observed. The recession of the liberal model of global politics is manifested in the tendency to modify the constitutional framework of particular countries and the decomposition of integration processes that have been anchoring liberal order in a united Europe so far. According to the author, the above phenomenon may initiate a split in the Western world, leading to the breakdown of its political unity and the beginning of the era of uncertainty, as a prelude to the emergence of a new order on the Old Continent, the framework of which is not yet known.
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Biblioteka Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Ministerstwo Nauki i Szkolnictwa Wyższego